The à Âà «raá¹ gama Mantra (Chinese: æ¥Âå´åÂÂ, Lèngyán zhòu; Japanese: æ¥Âå³åª, Ryà Âgon shu; Vietnamese: Chú LÃÂng Nghiêm; Korean: ëÂ¥ìÂÂ주, Neung-eom ju), also known as the SitÃÂtapatroá¹£á¹Âëṣa DhÃÂraá¹Âë, is a dhÃÂraá¹Âë or long mantra of Buddhist practice in East Asian Buddhism. Although relatively unknown in modern Tibet, there are several à Âà «raá¹ gama Mantra texts in the Tibetan Buddhist canon. It has strong associations with the Chinese Chan Buddhist tradition.
The mantra was, according to the opening chapter of the à Âà «raá¹ gama Sà «tra (é¦Âæ¥Âå´ç¶Â, lit: "Sà «tra of the Heroic March", T19n0945), historically transmitted by Gautama Buddha to Manjushri to protect Ananda before he had become an arhat. It was again spoken by the Buddha before an assembly of monastic and lay adherents. Like the popular six-syllable mantra "Om mani padme hum" and the Nëlakaá¹Âá¹Âha DhÃÂraá¹Âë, the à Âà «raá¹ gama Mantra is synonymous with practices of Avalokiteà Âvara, an important Bodhisattva in both East Asian Buddhism and Tibetan Buddhism. The à Âà «raá¹ gama Mantra also extensively references Buddhist deities such as SitÃÂtapatrÃÂ, VajrapÃÂá¹Âi, MahÃÂkÃÂla, the Five Buddha Families headed by the Five TathÃÂgatas (such as MahÃÂvairocana), and Bhaiá¹£ajyaguru. It is often used for protection or purification, as it is often recited as part of the daily morning session in monasteries.
The à Âà «raá¹ gama Mantra is well-known and popularly chanted during daily liturgical services in many East Asian Buddhist traditions, where it is very much related to the practice of the dhÃÂraá¹Âë of SitÃÂtapatrà(Chinese: 大ç½åÂÂèÂÂéÂÂç¾ å°¼, pinyin: Dàbái sÃÂngài tuóluónÃÂ, lit: "White Parasol DhÃÂraá¹Âë"). In Tibetan Buddhism, it is the "White Umbrella" ()..
An original Sanskrit version of the à Âà «raá¹ gama Sà «tra is not known to be extant. A Sanskrit language palm leaf manuscript consisting of 226 leaves with 6 leaves missing which according to the introduction "contains the à Âà «raá¹ gama Sà «tra" was discovered in a temple in China and now resides at Peng Xuefeng Memorial Museum. But scholars have not yet verified if this is the same text or some other sà «tra (like the à Âà «raá¹ gama Samadhi Sà «tra).
The first catalogue that recorded the à Âà «raá¹ gama Sà «tra was Zhisheng (), a monk in Tang dynasty (618âÂÂ907) China. Zhisheng said this book was brought back from Guangxi to Luoyang during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong. He gave two seemingly different accounts in two different books, both of which were published in 730 CE.
According to Jia Jinhua, who studied and cross-referred a number of external documents related to both accounts that Zhisheng gave, the two accounts do not conflict but rather complement each other, with the Kaiyuan shijiao lu written first and the Xu gujin yijing tuji written later once Zhisheng had acquired more details about the sà «tra's translation and transmission. According to Jia, the two accounts derive from two versions of the sà «tra that were in circulation.
Jia states that the first version brought from Guangzhou to Chang'an, which was included in the Kaiyuan catalogue and is extant in the Fangshan stone canon, listed the translators as Huaidi and an Indian monk and was the source for the account provided in the Kaiyuan shijiao lu. He infers that the reason this version omitted Fang Rong's name is because, at the time of the translation in 705, he was a disgraced and banished official in exile. The reason for this exile was that on 20 February 705, Zhang Yizhi (å¼µæÂÂä¹Â) and Zhang Changzong (å¼µæÂÂå®Â), two brothers who were Empress WuâÂÂs favoured courtiers were killed in a coup, and Fang Rong was imprisoned for his close association with the Zhang brothers before being exiled to Gaozhou on 4 March. Song dynasty (960-1279) records by the monk Zuxiu (ç¥ÂçÂÂ) recorded that Fang Rong arrived in Guangzhou in the fourth month and was invited by the Prefect of Guangzhou to take part in translating the à Âà «raá¹Âgama Sà «tra. The Tang court soon offered pardons to officials implicated in the affair involving the Zhang brothers, issuing amnesties and summoning officials back to court from the winter of 705 to the spring of 707, but Fang Rong unfortunately died in exile in Gaozhou. Jia then infers that ZhishengâÂÂs second account was based on a second version brought from Guangzhou to Chang'an by an official envoy at later time. Jia reasons that, by then, the reason for Fang RongâÂÂs exile had been pardoned, so there was no more taboo on signing his name on the sà «tra, hence the second version lists in full the transmitter and translator of the sà «tra, including Fang Rong as the transcriber and Huaidi as the verifier of the Sanskrit meanings. This version is supported by detailed accounts of the same events and attributions from a commentary of the à Âà «raá¹ gama Sà «tra by the monk Weique (æÂÂæ ¤), who was personally introduced to the sà «tra by Fang Rong's family during a meal at their house. Extracts of Weique's commentary with regards to the authorship of the sà «tra is cited by the Japanese monk Genei (çÂÂå¡) in his work, the Daijà  sanron daigi shà  (大ä¹Âä¸Âè«Â大義éÂÂ, lit: "Digest of Major Doctrines of MahÃÂyÃÂna Three Treatises", T70n2296), and the details regarding how he was introduced to the sà «tra is cited by the Song dynasty monk Zanning<sup>]</sup> (è´Â寧) in his historical work, the Song gaoseng zhuan (å®Âé«Âå§å³, lit: "Biographies of Eminent Monks of the Song dynasty", T50n2061). This second version was then included in a later catalogue of Buddhist scriptures called the Zhenyuan catalogue, and is extant in various later Buddhist canons.
During the Song (960âÂÂ1279) and Yuan (1279âÂÂ1368) dynasties, the mantra was used in a ritual called the à Âà «raá¹ gama assembly, which was held semi-annually during monastic retreats, beginning on the 10th day of the fourth month and ending on the 13th day of the seventh month according to the Chinese calendar. During these assemblies, a à Âà «raá¹ gama altar would be set up and participating monastics would gather and chant the mantra. The mantra was also codified into various monastic codes of conduct known as qinggui (渠è¦Â, lit: "Pure rules"), many of which are traditionally held to derive from the Tang dynasty Chan monk Baizhang Huaihai (ç¾ä¸Âæ·海, 720âÂÂ814). Some examples include the Conglin Jiaoding Qinggui Zongyao (å¢æÂÂæ ¡å®Â渠è¦Â總è¦Â, lit: "General Essentials of the Revised Pure Rules of Monasteries", X63n1249) that was compiled in 1274 by the monk Jinhua Weimian (éÂÂè¯æÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ, ?-?) which lists nine ritual occasions where the mantra is to be chanted, the Huanzhu'an Qinggui (å¹»ä½Â庵渠è¦Â, lit: "Pure Rules of the Cloister of Illusory Abode", X63n1248) that was compiled around 1317 by the Chan master Zhongfeng Mingben (ä¸Âå³°æÂÂæ¬, 1263âÂÂ1323) for his own private hermitage which lists up to twenty-five events during the ritual calendar where chanting the mantra is required, as well as the Chixiu Baizhang Qinggui (æÂÂä¿®ç¾ä¸Âæ·¸è¦Â, lit: "Revised Pure Rules of Baizhang", T48n2025) compiled between 1335 and 1343 by the Linji Chan monk Dongyang Dehui (æ±é½德è¼Â, ?-?) that records ten events where the mantra is to be chanted. Biographies of notable monks also make mention of its usage by monastics. For instance, Juefan Huihong (覺ç¯Â栧洪, 1071âÂÂ1128), an eminent monastic belonging to the Huanglong branch of the Linji Chan tradition, mentions that the founder of the Huanglong line, Huanglong Huinan (é»Âé¾Âæ §åÂÂ, 1002âÂÂ1069), recited the à Âà «raá¹ gama Mantra to aid in or stimulate samÃÂdhi during meditation. Another example is the eminent Caodong Chan master Zhenxie Qingliao (çÂÂæÂÂ渠äºÂ, 1088âÂÂ1151), who used the mantra to keep monastics awake during meditation.
The mantra's usage continued to grow in the subsequent Ming dynasty (1368âÂÂ1644) such that by the late-Ming period, it was codified as one of the mantras to be chanted during daily temple liturgical services in the Zhujing Risong Jiyao (諸ç¶Âæ¥誦éÂÂè¦Â, lit: "Compilation of Essentials for the Daily Chanting of Various Sà «tras", J19nB044), an influential liturgical manual which was critically revised and edited by the eminent monk Yunqi Zhuhong (é²棲袾å®Â, 1535âÂÂ1615), who was the Eighth Patriarch of the Chinese Pure Land tradition, and later reprinted by the eminent monk Ouyi Zhixu (è çÂÂæºæÂÂ, 1599âÂÂ1655), who was the Ninth Patriarch of the Chinese Pure Land tradition and Thirty-First Patriarch of the Tiantai tradition. The mantra's usage during daily liturgical services has continued to be preserved in the succeeding Qing dynasty (1644âÂÂ1912) through to contemporary times as it has remained encoded in most popular liturgical manuals that has been published since. One example of such a manual is the Chanmen Risong (禪éÂÂæ¥誦; lit: "Daily Chants of the Chan Gate"), a compilation whose earliest printed edition that is extant dates back to 1723 during the Qing dynasty and which was printed at Hoi Tong Monastery. Various subsequent editions with minor changes were published during the rest of the Qing dynasty period (1644âÂÂ1912) through to the Republican era (1912âÂÂ1949) by various temples. In the 21st century, one of the most popular editions has been the version that was originally published by Tianning Temple in Changzhou, which has seen modern reprints by retailers and publishers. Another example is the Fomen Bibei (ä½ÂéÂÂå¿ åÂÂ課誦æ¬, lit: "Book of Essential Chants of the Buddhist Gate") which was first published during the Republican era and has also seen modern reprints. In most of these liturgical compilations, the mantra is usually listed as the first text chanted during morning liturgical services (known as the zaoke). According to an influential commentary on the daily liturgical service by the eminent Qing dynasty monk and National Preceptor (çÂÂæÂÂéÂÂçÂÂ, 1614âÂÂ1675), the purpose of the mantra during the service is to regulate the five desires (i.e. fame, lust, food, sleep and money) before they are able to arise so that the mind is able to quickly penetrate and directly reveal the true nature of the TathÃÂgatagarbha. In contemporary practice, the mantra has continued to remain as the first mantra to be recited during daily morning liturgical services (zaoke) in most Chinese Buddhist temples.
Various eminent monastics and masters have provided commentaries regarding the benefits and meaning of the à Âà «raá¹ gama Mantra, such as the eminent Qing dynasty (1644âÂÂ1912) Huayan monk Baiting Xufa (æÂÂäºÂçºÂæ³Â, 1641âÂÂ1728), who translated the mantra and provided a commentary regarding the significance of each of its sections as well as the deities summoned by it. His translation and commentary has remained influential in contemporary Chinese Buddhist practice. Another prominent example in modern times was the Chan Buddhist master Hsuan Hua, who heavily promoted and popularised the use of the mantra in North America and the Sinophone world as he valued it as fundamental to the existence of Buddhism.
The dhÃÂraá¹Âë is often seen as having magical apotropaic powers. It is associated with the deity SitÃÂtapatrÃÂ, a protector against supernatural dangers and evil beings. According to a commentary by the Chan Buddhist monk Venerable Hsuan Hua, the continual existence and practice of the à Âà «raá¹ gama Mantra is essential to the existence of Buddhism itself; this teaching is based upon the ' (ä½Â說æ³Âæ» ç¡ç¶Â, lit: "The Buddha Speaks the Ultimate Extinction of the Dharma Sutra", T12n0396), another MahÃÂyÃÂna sà «tra where the Buddha expounds that both the à Âà «raá¹ gama Sà «tra as well as Pratyutpanna SamÃÂdhi will be the first to disappear when the Dharma comes to an end in the world. Hsuan Hua also heavily recommends that practitioners who cultivate the mantra must maintain the purity of the Buddhist precepts, virtuous conduct as well as hold the right intentions. According to Hsuan Hua, the dhÃÂraá¹Âë contains five major divisions, which "control the vast demon armies of the five directions":
In most recitations during liturgical services in Chinese and Vietnamese Buddhist monasteries, the mantra itself is typically chanted after the recitation of a preamble which consists of the vows made by ÃÂnanda in the à Âà «raá¹ gama Sà «tra, the reaffirmation of refuge in Buddhist divinities and a description of the Buddha as he speaks the mantra from sà «tra.