ÃÂnanda (Pali and Sanskrit: à ¤Âà ¤¨à ¤Âà ¤¦; 5th4th century BCE) was the primary attendant of the Buddha and one of his ten principal disciples. Among the Buddha's many disciples, ÃÂnanda stood out for having the best memory. Most of the texts of the early Buddhist Sutta-Piá¹Âaka (; , Sà «tra-Piá¹Âaka) are attributed to his recollection of the Buddha's teachings during the First Buddhist Council. For that reason, he is known as the Treasurer of the Dhamma, with Dhamma (, dharma) referring to the Buddha's teaching. In Early Buddhist Texts, ÃÂnanda was the first cousin of the Buddha. Although the early texts do not agree on many parts of ÃÂnanda's early life, they do agree that ÃÂnanda was ordained as a monk and that Puá¹Âá¹Âa MantÃÂnëputta (, Pà «rá¹Âa MaitrÃÂyaá¹Âëputra) became his teacher. Twenty years in the Buddha's ministry, ÃÂnanda became the attendant of the Buddha, when the Buddha selected him for this task. ÃÂnanda performed his duties with great devotion and care, and acted as an intermediary between the Buddha and the laypeople, as well as the saá¹ gha (). He accompanied the Buddha for the rest of his life, acting not only as an assistant, but also as a secretary and a mouthpiece.
Scholars are skeptical about the historicity of many events in ÃÂnanda's life, especially the First Council, and consensus about this has yet to be established. A traditional account can be drawn from early texts, commentaries, and post-canonical chronicles. ÃÂnanda had an important role in establishing the order of bhikkhunës (), when he requested the Buddha on behalf of the latter's foster-mother MahÃÂpajÃÂpati Gotamë (, MahÃÂprajÃÂpatë Gautamë) to allow her to be ordained. ÃÂnanda also accompanied the Buddha in the last year of his life, and therefore was witness to many tenets and principles that the Buddha conveyed before his death, including the well-known principle that the Buddhist community should take his teaching and discipline as their refuge, and that he would not appoint a new leader. The final period of the Buddha's life also shows that ÃÂnanda was very much attached to the Buddha's person, and he saw the Buddha's passing with great sorrow.
Shortly after the Buddha's death, the First Council was convened, and ÃÂnanda managed to attain enlightenment just before the council started, which was a requirement. He had a historical role during the council as the living memory of the Buddha, reciting many of the Buddha's discourses and checking them for accuracy. During the same council, however, he was chastised by MahÃÂkassapa (, MahÃÂkÃÂà Âyapa) and the rest of the saá¹ gha for allowing women to be ordained and failing to understand or respect the Buddha at several crucial moments. ÃÂnanda continued to teach until the end of his life, passing on his spiritual heritage to his pupils SÃÂá¹ÂavÃÂsë (, à ÂÃÂá¹ÂakavÃÂsë) and Majjhantika (, MadhyÃÂntika), among others, who later assumed leading roles in the Second and Third Councils. ÃÂnanda died 20 years after the Buddha, and stà «pas (monuments) were erected at the river where he died.
ÃÂnanda is one of the most loved figures in Buddhism. He was widely known for his memory, erudition and compassion, and was often praised by the Buddha for these matters. He functioned as a foil to the Buddha, however, in that he still had worldly attachments and was not yet enlightened, as opposed to the Buddha. In the Sanskrit textual traditions, ÃÂnanda is considered the patriarch of the Dhamma who stood in a spiritual lineage, receiving the teaching from MahÃÂkassapa and passing them on to his own pupils. ÃÂnanda has been honored by bhikkhunës since early medieval times for his merits in establishing the nun's order. In recent times, the composer Richard Wagner and Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore were inspired by stories about ÃÂnanda in their work.
The word ÃÂnanda (à ¤Âà ¤¨à ¤Âà ¤¦) means 'bliss, joy' in PÃÂli and in Sanskrit. PÃÂli commentaries explain that when ÃÂnanda was born, his relatives were joyous about this. Texts from the Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda tradition, however, state that since ÃÂnanda was born on the day of the Buddha's enlightenment, there was great rejoicing in the cityhence the name.
According to the texts, in a previous life, ÃÂnanda made an aspiration to become a Buddha's attendant. He made this aspiration in the time of a previous Buddha called Padumuttara, many eons (, Sanskrit: ) before the present age. He met the attendant of Padumuttara Buddha and aspired to be like him in a future life. After having done many good deeds, he made his resolution known to the Padumuttara Buddha, who confirmed that his wish will come true in a future life. After having been born and reborn throughout many lifetimes, and doing many good deeds, he was born as ÃÂnanda in the time of the current Buddha Gotama.
ÃÂnanda was born in the same time period as the Buddha (formerly Prince Siddhattha), which scholars place at 5th4th centuries BCE. Tradition says that ÃÂnanda was the first cousin of the Buddha, his father being the brother of Suddhodana (), the Buddha's father. In the PÃÂli and Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda textual traditions, his father was Amitodana (), but the MahÃÂvastu states that his father was à Âuklodanaboth are brothers of Suddhodana. The MahÃÂvastu also mentions that ÃÂnanda's mother's name was Má¹Âgë (Sanskrit; lit. 'little deer'; PÃÂli is unknown). The PÃÂli tradition has it that ÃÂnanda was born on the same day as Prince Siddhatta (), but texts from the Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda and subsequent MahÃÂyÃÂna traditions state ÃÂnanda was born at the same time the Buddha attained enlightenment (when Prince Siddhattha was 35 years old), and was therefore much younger than the Buddha. The latter tradition is corroborated by several instances in the Early Buddhist Texts, in which ÃÂnanda appears younger than the Buddha, such as the passage in which the Buddha explained to ÃÂnanda how old age was affecting him in body and mind. It is also corroborated by a verse in the PÃÂli text called TheragÃÂthÃÂ, in which ÃÂnanda stated he was a "learner" (sekha) for 25 years, after which he attended to the Buddha for another 25 years.Following the PÃÂli, Mahëà Âasaka and Dharmaguptaka textual traditions, ÃÂnanda became a monk in the second year of the Buddha's ministry, during the Buddha's visit to Kapilavatthu (). He was ordained by the Buddha himself, together with many other princes of the Buddha's clan (, ), in the mango grove called Anupiya, part of Malla territory. According to a text from the MahÃÂsaá¹ ghika tradition, King Suddhodana wanted the Buddha to have more followers of the khattiya caste (), and less from the brahmin (priest) caste. He therefore ordered that any khattiya who had a brother to follow the Buddha as a monk, or have his brother do so. ÃÂnanda used this opportunity, and asked his brother Devadatta to stay at home, so that he could leave for the monkhood. The later timeline from the Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda texts and the PÃÂli TheragÃÂthÃÂ, however, have ÃÂnanda ordain much later, about twenty-five years before the Buddha's deathin other words, twenty years in the Buddha's ministry. Some Sanskrit sources have him ordain even later. The Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda texts on monastic discipline (PÃÂli and ) relate that soothsayers predicted ÃÂnanda would be the Buddha's attendant. In order to prevent ÃÂnanda from leaving the palace to ordain, his father brought him to VesÃÂlë () during the Buddha's visit to Kapilavatthu, but later the Buddha met and taught ÃÂnanda nonetheless. On a similar note, the MahÃÂvastu relates, however, that Má¹Âgë was initially opposed to ÃÂnanda joining the holy life, because his brother Devadatta had already ordained and left the palace. ÃÂnanda responded to his mother's resistance by moving to Videha () and lived there, taking a vow of silence. This led him to gain the epithet Videhamuni (), meaning 'the silent wise one from Videha'. When ÃÂnanda did become ordained, his father had him ordain in Kapilavatthu in the NigrodhÃÂrÃÂma monastery () with much ceremony, ÃÂnanda's preceptor (; Sanskrit: ) being a certain Daà ÂabÃÂla KÃÂà Âyapa.
According to the PÃÂli tradition, ÃÂnanda's first teachers were Belaá¹Âá¹Âhasësa and Puá¹Âá¹Âa MantÃÂnëputta. It was Puá¹Âá¹Âa's teaching that led ÃÂnanda to attain the stage of sotÃÂpanna (), an attainment preceding that of enlightenment. ÃÂnanda later expressed his debt to Puá¹Âá¹Âa. Another important figure in the life of ÃÂnanda was SÃÂriputta (), one of the Buddha's main disciples. SÃÂriputta often taught ÃÂnanda about the finer points of Buddhist doctrine; they were in the habit of sharing things with one another, and their relationship is described as a good friendship. In some Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda texts, an attendant of ÃÂnanda is also mentioned who helped motivate ÃÂnanda when he was banned from the First Buddhist Council. He was a "Vajjiputta" (), i.e. someone who originated from the Vajji confederacy. According to later texts, an enlightened monk also called Vajjiputta () had an important role in ÃÂnanda's life. He listened to a teaching of ÃÂnanda and realized that ÃÂnanda was not enlightened yet. Vajjiputta encouraged ÃÂnanda to talk less to laypeople and deepen his meditation practice by retreating in the forest, advice that very much affected ÃÂnanda.
In the first twenty years of the Buddha's ministry, the Buddha had several personal attendants. However, after these twenty years, when the Buddha was aged 55, the Buddha announced that he had need for a permanent attendant. The Buddha had been growing older, and his previous attendants had not done their job very well. Initially, several of the Buddha's foremost disciples responded to his request, but the Buddha did not accept them. All the while ÃÂnanda remained quiet. When he was asked why, he said that the Buddha would know best whom to choose, upon which the Buddha responded by choosing ÃÂnanda. ÃÂnanda agreed to take on the position, on the condition that he did not receive any material benefits from the Buddha. Accepting such benefits would open him up to criticism that he chose the position because of ulterior motives. He also requested that the Buddha allow him to accept invitations on his behalf, allow him to ask questions about his doctrine, and repeat any teaching that the Buddha had taught in ÃÂnanda's absence. These requests would help people trust ÃÂnanda and show that the Buddha was sympathetic to his attendant. Furthermore, ÃÂnanda considered these the real advantages of being an attendant, which is why he requested them.
The Buddha agreed to ÃÂnanda's conditions, and ÃÂnanda became the Buddha's attendant, accompanying the Buddha on most of his wanderings. ÃÂnanda took care of the Buddha's daily practical needs, by doing things such as bringing water and cleaning the Buddha's dwelling place. He is depicted as observant and devoted, even guarding the dwelling place at night. ÃÂnanda takes the part of interlocutor in many of the recorded dialogues. He tended the Buddha for a total of 25 years, a duty which entailed much work. His relationship with the Buddha is depicted as warm and trusting: when the Buddha grew ill, ÃÂnanda had a sympathetic illness; when the Buddha grew older, ÃÂnanda kept taking care of him with devotion.
ÃÂnanda sometimes literally risked his life for his teacher. At one time, the rebellious monk Devadatta tried to kill the Buddha by having a drunk and wild elephant released in the Buddha's presence. ÃÂnanda stepped in front of the Buddha to protect him. When the Buddha told him to move, he refused, although normally he always obeyed the Buddha. Through a supernatural accomplishment (; ) the Buddha then moved ÃÂnanda aside and subdued the elephant, by touching it and speaking to it with loving-kindness.
ÃÂnanda often acted as an intermediary and secretary, passing on messages from the Buddha, informing the Buddha of news, invitations, or the needs of lay people, and advising lay people who wanted to provide gifts to the saá¹ gha. At one time, MahÃÂpajÃÂpatë, the Buddha's foster-mother, requested to offer robes for personal use for the Buddha. She said that even though she had raised the Buddha in his youth, she never gave anything in person to the young prince; she now wished to do so. The Buddha initially insisted that she give the robe to the community as a whole rather than to be attached to his person. However, ÃÂnanda interceded and mediated, suggesting that the Buddha had better accept the robe. Eventually the Buddha did, but not without pointing out to ÃÂnanda that good deeds like giving should always be done for the sake of the action itself, not for the sake of the person.
The texts say that the Buddha sometimes asked ÃÂnanda to substitute for him as teacher, and was often praised by the Buddha for his teachings. ÃÂnanda was often given important teaching roles, such as regularly teaching Queen MallikÃÂ, Queen SÃÂmÃÂvatë, () and other people from the ruling class. Once ÃÂnanda taught a number of King Udena ()'s concubines. They were so impressed by ÃÂnanda's teaching, that they gave him five hundred robes, which ÃÂnanda accepted. Having heard about this, King Udena criticized ÃÂnanda for being greedy; ÃÂnanda responded by explaining how every single robe was carefully used, reused and recycled by the monastic community, prompting the king to offer another five hundred robes. ÃÂnanda also had a role in the Buddha's visit to VesÃÂlë. In this story, the Buddha taught the well-known text Ratana Sutta to ÃÂnanda, which ÃÂnanda then recited in VesÃÂlë, ridding the city from illness, drought and evil spirits in the process. Another well-known passage in which the Buddha taught ÃÂnanda is the passage about spiritual friendship (). In this passage, ÃÂnanda stated that spiritual friendship is half of the holy life; the Buddha corrected ÃÂnanda, stating that such friendship is the entire holy life. In summary, ÃÂnanda worked as an assistant, intermediary and a mouthpiece, helping the Buddha in many ways, and learning his teachings in the process.
ÃÂnanda was attractive in appearance. A PÃÂli account related that a bhikkhunë (nun) became enamored with ÃÂnanda, and pretended to be ill to have ÃÂnanda visit her. When she realized the error of her ways, she confessed her mistakes to ÃÂnanda. Other accounts relate that a low-caste woman called Praká¹Âti (also known in China as ) fell in love with ÃÂnanda, and persuaded her mother MÃÂtaá¹ gë to use a black magic spell to enchant him. This succeeded, and ÃÂnanda was lured into her house, but came to his senses and called upon the help of the Buddha. The Buddha then taught Praká¹Âti to reflect on the repulsive qualities of the human body, and eventually Praká¹Âti was ordained as a bhikkhunë, giving up her attachment for ÃÂnanda. In an East Asian version of the story in the à Âà «raá¹Âgama sà «tra, the Buddha sent Mañjuà Ârë to help ÃÂnanda, who used recitation to counter the magic charm. The Buddha then continued by teaching ÃÂnanda and other listeners about the Buddha nature.
In the role of mediator between the Buddha and the lay communities, ÃÂnanda sometimes made suggestions to the Buddha for amendments in the monastic discipline. Most importantly, the early texts attribute the inclusion of women in the early saá¹ gha (monastic order) to ÃÂnanda. Fifteen years after the Buddha's enlightenment, his foster mother MahÃÂpajÃÂpatë came to see him to ask him to be ordained as the first Buddhist bhikkhunë. Initially, the Buddha refused this. Five years later, MahÃÂpajÃÂpatë came to request the Buddha again, this time with a following of other SÃÂkiya women, including the Buddha's former wife Yasodharà(). They had walked , looked dirty, tired and depressed, and ÃÂnanda felt pity for them. ÃÂnanda therefore confirmed with the Buddha whether women could become enlightened as well. Although the Buddha conceded this, he did not allow the SÃÂkiya women to be ordained yet. ÃÂnanda then discussed with the Buddha how MahÃÂpajÃÂpatë took care of him during his childhood, after the death of his real mother. ÃÂnanda also mentioned that previous Buddhas had also ordained bhikkhunës. In the end, the Buddha allowed the SÃÂkiya women to be ordained, being the start of the bhikkhunë order. ÃÂnanda had MahÃÂpajÃÂpati ordained by her acceptance of a set of rules, set by the Buddha. These came to be known as the garudhamma, and they describe the subordinate relation of the bhikkhunë community to that of the bhikkhus or monks. Scholar of Asian religions Reiko Ohnuma argues that the debt the Buddha had toward his foster-mother MahÃÂpajÃÂpati may have been the main reason for his concessions with regard to the establishment of a bhikkhunë order.
Many scholars interpret this account to mean that the Buddha was reluctant in allowing women to be ordained, and that ÃÂnanda successfully persuaded the Buddha to change his mind. For example, Indologist and translator I.B. Horner wrote that "this is the only instance of his [the Buddha] being over-persuaded in argument". However, some scholars interpret the Buddha's initial refusal rather as a test of resolve, following a widespread pattern in the PÃÂli Canon and in monastic procedure of repeating a request three times before final acceptance. Some also argue that the Buddha was believed by Buddhists to be omniscient, and therefore is unlikely to have been depicted as changing his mind. Other scholars argue that other passages in the texts indicate the Buddha intended all along to establish a bhikkhunë order. Regardless, during the acceptance of women into the monastic order, the Buddha told ÃÂnanda that the Buddha's Dispensation would last shorter because of this. At the time, the Buddhist monastic order consisted of wandering celibate males, without many monastic institutions. Allowing women to join the Buddhist celibate life might have led to dissension, as well as temptation between the sexes. The garudhamma, however, were meant to fix these problems, and prevent the dispensation from being curtailed.
There are some chronological discrepancies in the traditional account of the setting up of the bhikkhunë order. According to the PÃÂli and Mahëà Âasaka textual traditions, the bhikkhunë order was set up five years after the Buddha's enlightenment, but, according to most textual traditions, ÃÂnanda only became attendant twenty years after the Buddha's enlightenment. Furthermore, MahÃÂpajÃÂpati was the Buddha's foster mother, and must therefore have been considerably older than him. However, after the bhikkhunë order was established, MahÃÂpajÃÂpati still had many audiences with the Buddha, as reported in PÃÂli and Chinese Early Buddhist Texts. Because of this and other reasons, it could be inferred that establishment of the bhikkhunë order actually took place early in the Buddha's ministry. If this is the case, ÃÂnanda's role in establishing the order becomes less likely. Some scholars therefore interpret the names in the account, such as ÃÂnanda and MahÃÂpajÃÂpati, as symbols, representing groups rather than specific individuals.
According to the texts, ÃÂnanda's role in founding the bhikkhunë order made him popular with the bhikkhunë community. ÃÂnanda often taught bhikkhunës, often encouraged women to ordain, and when he was criticized by the monk MahÃÂkassapa, several bhikkhunës tried to defend him. According to Indologist Oskar von Hinüber, ÃÂnanda's pro-bhikkhunë attitude may well be the reason why there was frequent discussion between ÃÂnanda and MahÃÂkassapa, eventually leading MahÃÂkasapa to charge ÃÂnanda with several offenses during the First Buddhist Council. Von Hinüber further argues that the establishment of the bhikkhunë order may have well been initiated by ÃÂnanda the Buddha's death, and the introduction of MahÃÂpajÃÂpati as the person requesting to do so is merely a literary device to connect the ordination of women with the person of the Buddha, through his foster mother. Von Hinüber concludes this based on several patterns in the early texts, including the apparent distance between the Buddha and the bhikkhunë order, and the frequent discussions and differences of opinion that take place between ÃÂnanda and MahÃÂkassapa. Some scholars have seen merits in von Hinüber's argument with regard to the pro- and anti-factions, but as of 2017, no definitive evidence has been found for the theory of establishment of the bhikkhuni order after the Buddha's death. Buddhist studies scholar Bhikkhu AnÃÂlayo has responded to most of von Hinuber's arguments, writing: "Besides requiring too many assumptions, this hypothesis conflicts with nearly 'all the evidence preserved in the texts together'", arguing that it was monastic discipline that created a distance between the Buddha and the bhikkhunës, and even so, there were many places in the early texts where the Buddha did address bhikkhunës directly.
Despite his long association with and close proximity to the Buddha, the texts describe that ÃÂnanda had not become enlightened yet. Because of that, a fellow monk UdÃÂyë () ridiculed ÃÂnanda. However, the Buddha reprimanded UdÃÂyë in response, saying that ÃÂnanda would certainly be enlightened in this life.
The PÃÂli MahÃÂ-parinibbÃÂna Sutta related the last year-long trip the Buddha took with ÃÂnanda from RÃÂjagaha () to the small town of KusinÃÂrà() before the Buddha died there. Before reaching KusinÃÂrÃÂ, the Buddha spent the retreat during the monsoon (, ) in VeḷugÃÂma (), getting out of the VesÃÂlë area which suffered from famine. Here, the eighty-year old Buddha expressed his wish to speak to the saá¹ gha once more. The Buddha had grown seriously ill in VesÃÂlë, much to the concern of some of his disciples. ÃÂnanda understood that the Buddha wished to leave final instructions before his death. The Buddha stated, however, that he had already taught everything needed, without withholding anything secret as a teacher with a "closed fist" would. He also impressed upon ÃÂnanda that he did not think the saá¹ gha should be reliant too much on a leader, not even himself. He then continued with the well-known statement to take his teaching as a refuge, and oneself as a refuge, without relying on any other refuge, also after he would be gone. Bareau argued that this is one of the most ancient parts of the text, found in slight variation in five early textual traditions:
The same text contains an account in which the Buddha, at numerous occasions, gave a hint that he could prolong his life to a full eon through a supernatural accomplishment, but this was a power that he would have to be to exercise. ÃÂnanda was distracted, however, and did not take the hint. Later, ÃÂnanda did make the request, but the Buddha replied that it was already too late, as he would die soon. MÃÂra, the Buddhist personification of evil, had visited the Buddha, and the Buddha had decided to die in three months. When ÃÂnanda heard this, he wept. The Buddha consoled him, however, pointing out that ÃÂnanda had been a great attendant, being sensitive to the needs of different people. If he was earnest in his efforts, he would attain enlightenment soon. He then pointed out to ÃÂnanda that all conditioned things are impermanent: all people must die.
In the final days of the Buddha's life, the Buddha traveled to KusinÃÂrÃÂ. The Buddha had ÃÂnanda prepare a place for lying down between two sal trees, the same type of tree under which the mother of the Buddha gave birth. The Buddha then had ÃÂnanda invite the Malla clan from KusinÃÂràto pay their final respects. Having returned, ÃÂnanda asked the Buddha what should be done with his body after his death, and he replied that it should be cremated, giving detailed instructions on how this should be done. Since the Buddha prohibited ÃÂnanda from being involved himself, but rather had him instruct the Mallas to perform the rituals, these instructions have by many scholars been interpreted as a prohibition that monastics should not be involved in funerals or worship of stà «pas (structures with relics). Buddhist studies scholar Gregory Schopen has pointed out, however, that this prohibition only held for ÃÂnanda, and only with regard to the Buddha's funeral ceremony. It has also been shown that the instructions on the funeral are quite late in origin, in both composition and insertion into the text, and are not found in parallel texts, apart from the MahÃÂparinibbÃÂna Sutta. ÃÂnanda then continued by asking how devotees should honor the Buddha after his death. The Buddha responded by listing four important places in his life that people could pay their respects to, which later became the four main places of Buddhist pilgrimage. Before the Buddha died, ÃÂnanda recommended the Buddha to move to a more meaningful city instead, but the Buddha pointed out that the town was once a great capital. ÃÂnanda then asked who will be next teacher after the Buddha would be gone, but the Buddha replied that his teaching and discipline would be the teacher instead. This meant that decisions should be made by reaching consensus within the saá¹ gha, and more generally, that now the time had come for the Buddhist monastics and devotees to take the Buddhist texts as authority, now that the Buddha was dying.
The Buddha gave several instructions before his death, including a directive that his former charioteer Channa () be shunned by his fellow monks, to humble his pride. In his final moments, the Buddha asked if anyone had any questions they wished to pose to him, as a final chance to allay any doubts. When no-one responded, ÃÂnanda expressed joy that all of the Buddha's disciples present had attained a level beyond doubts about the Buddha's teaching. However, the Buddha pointed out that ÃÂnanda spoke out of faith and not out of meditative insighta final reproach. The Buddha added that, of all the five hundred monks that are surrounding him now, even the "latest" or "most backward" () had attained the initial stage of sotapanna. Meant as an encouragement, the Buddha was referring to ÃÂnanda. During the Buddha's final Nirvana, Anuruddha was able to use his meditative powers to understand which stages the Buddha underwent before attaining final Nirvana. However, ÃÂnanda was unable to do so, indicating his lesser spiritual maturity. After the Buddha's death, ÃÂnanda recited several verses, expressing a sense of urgency (), deeply moved by the events and their bearing: "Terrible was the quaking, men's hair stood on end, / When the all-accomplished Buddha passed away."
Shortly after the council, ÃÂnanda brought the message with regard to the Buddha's directive to Channa personally. Channa was humbled and changed his ways, attained enlightenment, and the penalty was withdrawn by the saá¹ gha. ÃÂnanda traveled to SÃÂvatthë (), where he was met with a sad populace, who he consoled with teachings on impermanence. After that, ÃÂnanda went to the quarters of the Buddha and went through the motions of the routine he formerly performed when the Buddha was still alive, such as preparing water and cleaning the quarters. He then saluted and talked to the quarters as though the Buddha was still there. The PÃÂli commentaries state that ÃÂnanda did this out of devotion, but also because he was "not yet free from the passions".
According to the texts, the First Buddhist Council was held in RÃÂjagaha. In the first vassa after the Buddha had died, the presiding monk MahÃÂkassapa () called upon ÃÂnanda to recite the discourses he had heard, as a representative on this council. There was a rule issued that only enlightened disciples (arahants) were allowed to attend the council, to prevent mental afflictions from clouding the disciples' memories. ÃÂnanda had, however, not attained enlightenment yet, in contrast with the rest of the council, consisting of 499 arahants. MahÃÂkassapa therefore did not allow ÃÂnanda to attend yet. Although he knew that ÃÂnanda's presence in the council was required, he did not want to be biased by allowing an exception to the rule. The Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda tradition adds that MahÃÂkassapa initially allowed ÃÂnanda to join as a sort of servant assisting during the council, but then was forced to remove him when the disciple Anuruddha saw that ÃÂnanda was not yet enlightened.
ÃÂnanda felt humiliated, but was prompted to focus his efforts to reach enlightenment before the council started. The Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda texts add that he felt motivated when he remembered the Buddha's words that he should be his own refuge, and when he was consoled and advised by Anuruddha and Vajjiputta, the latter being his attendant. On the night before the event, he tried hard to attain enlightenment. After a while, ÃÂnanda took a break and decided to lie down for a rest. He then attained enlightenment right there, right then, halfway between standing and lying down. Thus, ÃÂnanda was known as the disciple who attained awakening "in none of the four traditional poses" (walking, standing, sitting, or lying down). The next morning, to prove his enlightenment, ÃÂnanda performed a supernatural accomplishment by diving into the earth and appearing on his seat at the council (or, according to some sources, by flying through the air). Scholars such as Buddhologist André Bareau and scholar of religion Ellison Banks Findly have been skeptical about many details in this account, including the number of participants on the council, and the account of ÃÂnanda's enlightenment just before the council. Regardless, today, the story of ÃÂnanda's struggle on the evening before the council is still told among Buddhists as a piece of advice in the practice of meditation: neither to give up, nor to interpret the practice too rigidly.
The First Council began when ÃÂnanda was consulted to recite the discourses and to determine which were authentic and which were not. MahÃÂkassapa asked of each discourse that ÃÂnanda listed where, when, and to whom it was given, and at the end of this, the assembly agreed that ÃÂnanda's memories and recitations were correct, after which the discourse collection (, ) was considered finalized and closed. ÃÂnanda therefore played a crucial role in this council, and texts claim he remembered 84,000 teaching topics, among which 82,000 taught by the Buddha and another 2,000 taught by disciples. Many early Buddhist discourses started with the words "Thus have I heard" (, ), which according to most Buddhist traditions, were ÃÂnanda's words, indicating that he, as the person reporting the text (), had first-hand experience and did not add anything to it. Thus, the discourses ÃÂnanda remembered later became the collection of discourses of the Canon, and according to the HaimavÃÂta, Dharmaguptaka and SarvÃÂstivÃÂda textual traditions (and implicitly, post-canonical PÃÂli chronicles), the collection of Abhidhamma (Abhidhamma Piá¹Âaka) as well. Scholar of religion Ronald Davidson notes, however, that this is not preceded by any account of ÃÂnanda learning Abhidhamma. According to some later MahÃÂyÃÂna accounts, ÃÂnanda also assisted in reciting MahÃÂyÃÂna texts, held in a different place in RÃÂjagaha, but in the same time period. The PÃÂli commentaries state that after the council, when the tasks for recitation and memorizing the texts were divided, ÃÂnanda and his pupils were given the task to remember the Dëgha NikÃÂya.
During the same council, ÃÂnanda was charged for an offense by members of the saá¹ gha for having enabled women to join the monastic order. Besides this, he was charged for having forgotten to request the Buddha to specify which offenses of monastic discipline could be disregarded; for having stepped on the Buddha's robe; for having allowed women to honor the Buddha's body after his death, which was not properly dressed, and during which his body was sullied by their tears; and for having failed to ask the Buddha to continue to live on. ÃÂnanda did not acknowledge these as offenses, but he conceded to do a formal confession anyway, "... in faith of the opinion of the venerable elder monks"ÃÂnanda wanted to prevent disruption in the saá¹ gha. With regard to having women ordained, ÃÂnanda answered that he had done this with great effort, because MahÃÂpajÃÂpati was the Buddha's foster-mother who had long provided for him. With regard to not requesting the Buddha to continue to live, many textual traditions have ÃÂnanda respond by saying he was distracted by MÃÂra, though one early Chinese text has ÃÂnanda reply he did not request the Buddha to prolong his life, for fear that this would interfere with the next Buddha Maitreya's ministry.
According to the PÃÂli tradition, the charges were laid after ÃÂnanda had become enlightened and done all the recitations; but the Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda tradition has it that the charges were laid before ÃÂnanda became enlightened and started the recitations. In this version, when ÃÂnanda heard that he was banned from the council, he objected that he had not done anything that went against the teaching and discipline of the Buddha. MahÃÂkassapa then listed seven charges to counter ÃÂnanda's objection. The charges were similar to the five given in PÃÂli. Other textual traditions list slightly different charges, amounting to a combined total of eleven charges, some of which are only mentioned in one or two textual traditions. Considering that an enlightened disciple was seen to have overcome all faults, it seems more likely that the charges were laid before ÃÂnanda's attainment than after.
Indologists von Hinüber and Jean Przyluski argue that the account of ÃÂnanda being charged with offenses during the council indicate tensions between competing early Buddhist schools, i.e. schools that emphasized the discourses (, ) and schools that emphasized monastic discipline. These differences have affected the scriptures of each tradition: e.g. the PÃÂli and Mahëà ÂÃÂsaka textual traditions portray a MahÃÂkassapa that is more critical of ÃÂnanda than that the SarvÃÂstivÃÂda tradition depicts him, reflecting a preference for discipline above discourse on the part of the former traditions, and a preference for discourse for the latter. Another example is the recitations during the First Council. The PÃÂli texts state that UpÃÂli, the person who was responsible for the recitation of the monastic discipline, recited ÃÂnanda does: again, monastic discipline above discourse. Analyzing six recensions of different textual traditions of the MahÃÂparinibbÃÂna Sutta extensively, Bareau distinguished two layers in the text, an older and a newer one, the former belonging to the compilers that emphasized discourse, the latter to the ones that emphasized discipline; the former emphasizing the figure of ÃÂnanda, the latter MahÃÂkassapa. He further argued that the passage on MÃÂra obstructing the Buddha was inserted in the fourth century BCE, and that ÃÂnanda was blamed for MÃÂra's doing by inserting the passage of ÃÂnanda's forgetfulness in the third century BCE. The passage in which the Buddha was ill and reminded ÃÂnanda to be his own refuge, on the other hand, Bareau regarded as very ancient, pre-dating the passages blaming MÃÂra and ÃÂnanda. In conclusion, Bareau, Przyluski and Horner argued that the offenses ÃÂnanda were charged with were a later interpolation. Findly disagrees, however, because the account in the texts of monastic discipline fits in with the MahÃÂparinibbÃÂna Sutta and with ÃÂnanda's character as generally depicted in the texts.
Tradition states that the First Council lasted for seven months. Scholars doubt, however, whether the entire canon was really recited during the First Council, because the early texts contain different accounts on important subjects such as meditation. It may be, though, that early versions were recited of what is now known as the Vinaya-piá¹Âaka and Sutta-piá¹Âaka. Nevertheless, many scholars, from the late 19th century onward, have considered the historicity of the First Council improbable. Some scholars, such as orientalists Louis de La Vallée-Poussin and D.P. Minayeff, thought there must have been assemblies after the Buddha's death, but considered only the main characters and some events before or after the First Council historical. Other scholars, such as Bareau and Indologist Hermann Oldenberg, considered it likely that the account of the First Council was written after the Second Council, and based on that of the Second, since there were not any major problems to solve after the Buddha's death, or any other need to organize the First Council. Much material in the accounts, and even more so in the more developed later accounts, deal with ÃÂnanda as the unsullied intermediary who passes on the legitimate teaching of the Buddha. On the other hand, archaeologist Louis Finot, Indologist E. E. Obermiller and to some extent Indologist Nalinaksha Dutt thought the account of the First Council was authentic, because of the correspondences between the PÃÂli texts and the Sanskrit traditions. Indologist Richard Gombrich, following Bhikkhu Sujato and Bhikkhu Brahmali's arguments, states that "it makes good sense to believe ... that large parts of the Pali Canon do preserve for us the Buddha-vacana, 'the Buddha's words', transmitted to us via his disciple ÃÂnanda and the First Council".
ÃÂnanda was recognized as one of the most important disciples of the Buddha. In the lists of the disciples given in the Aá¹ guttara NikÃÂya and Saá¹Âyutta NikÃÂya, each of the disciples is declared to be foremost in some quality. ÃÂnanda is mentioned more often than any other disciple: he is named foremost in conduct, in attention to others, in power of memory, in erudition and in resoluteness. ÃÂnanda was the subject of a sermon of praise delivered by the Buddha just before the Buddha's death, as described in the MahÃÂparinibbÃÂna Sutta: it is a sermon about a man who is kindly, unselfish, popular, and thoughtful toward others. In the texts he is depicted as compassionate in his relations with lay people, a compassion he learnt from the Buddha. The Buddha relays that both monastics and lay people were pleased to see ÃÂnanda, and were pleased to hear him recite and teach the Buddha's teaching. Moreover, ÃÂnanda was known for his organizational skills, assisting the Buddha with secretary-like duties. In many ways, ÃÂnanda did not only serve the personal needs of the Buddha, but also the needs of the still young, growing institute of the saá¹ gha.
Moreover, because of his ability to remember the many teachings of the Buddha, he is described as foremost in "having heard much" (, Sanskrit: , ). ÃÂnanda was known for his exceptional memory, which is essential in helping him to remember the Buddha's teachings. He also taught other disciples to memorize Buddhist doctrine. For these reasons, ÃÂnanda became known as the "Treasurer of the Dhamma" (, Sanskrit: ), Dhamma (Sanskrit: ) referring to the doctrine of the Buddha. Being the person who had accompanied the Buddha throughout a great part of his life, ÃÂnanda was in many ways the living memory of the Buddha, without which the saá¹ gha would be much worse off. Besides his memory skills, ÃÂnanda also stood out in that, as the Buddha's cousin, he dared to ask the Buddha direct questions. For example, after the death of MahÃÂvira and the depicted subsequent conflicts among the Jain community, ÃÂnanda asked the Buddha how such problems could be prevented after the Buddha's death. However, Findly argues that ÃÂnanda's duty to memorize the Buddha's teachings accurately and without distortion, was "both a gift and a burden". ÃÂnanda was able to remember many discourses verbatim, but this also went hand-in-hand with a habit of not reflecting on those teachings, being afraid that reflection might distort the teachings as he heard them. At multiple occasions, ÃÂnanda was warned by other disciples that he should spend less time on conversing to lay people, and more time on his own practice. Even though ÃÂnanda regularly practiced meditation for long hours, he was less experienced in meditative concentration than other leading disciples. Thus, judgment of ÃÂnanda's character depends on whether one judges his accomplishments as a monk or his accomplishments as an attendant, and person memorizing the discourses.
From a literary and didactic point of view, ÃÂnanda often functioned as a kind of foil in the texts, being an unenlightened disciple attending to an enlightened Buddha. Because the run-of the-mill person could identify with ÃÂnanda, the Buddha could through ÃÂnanda convey his teachings to the mass easily. ÃÂnanda's character was in many ways a contradiction to that of the Buddha: being unenlightened and someone who made mistakes. At the same time, however, he was completely devoted to service to the Buddha. The Buddha is depicted in the early texts as both a father and a teacher to ÃÂnanda, stern but compassionate. ÃÂnanda was very fond of and attached to the Buddha, willing to give his life for him. He mourned the deaths of both the Buddha and SÃÂriputta, with whom he enjoyed a close friendship: in both cases ÃÂnanda was very shocked. ÃÂnanda's faith in the Buddha, however, constituted more of a faith in a person, especially the Buddha's person, as opposed to faith in the Buddha's teaching. This is a pattern which comes back in the accounts which lead to the offenses ÃÂnanda was charged with during the First Council. Moreover, ÃÂnanda's weaknesses described in the texts were that he was sometimes slow-witted and lacked mindfulness, which became noticeable because of his role as attendant to the Buddha: this involved minor matters like deportment, but also more important matters, such as ordaining a man with no future as a pupil, or disturbing the Buddha at the wrong time. For example, one time MahÃÂkassapa chastised ÃÂnanda in strong words, criticizing the fact that ÃÂnanda was travelling with a large following of young monks who appeared untrained and who had built up a bad reputation. In another episode described in a SarvÃÂstivÃÂda text, ÃÂnanda is the only disciple who was willing to teach psychic powers to Devadatta, who later would use these in an attempt to destroy the Buddha. According to a Mahëà ÂÃÂsaka text, however, when Devadatta had turned against the Buddha, ÃÂnanda was not persuaded by him, and voted against him in a formal meeting. ÃÂnanda's late spiritual growth is much discussed in Buddhist texts, and the general conclusion is that ÃÂnanda was slower than other disciples due to his worldly attachments and his attachment to the person of the Buddha, both of which were rooted in his mediating work between the Buddha and the lay communities.
After the Buddha's death, some sources say ÃÂnanda stayed mostly in the West of India, in the area of Kosambë (), where he taught most of his pupils. Other sources say he stayed in the monastery at Veḷuvana (). Several pupils of ÃÂnanda became well-known in their own right. According to post-canonical Sanskrit sources such as the DivyavadÃÂna and the Aà ÂokavadÃÂna, before the Buddha's death, the Buddha confided to ÃÂnanda that the latter's student Majjhantika () would travel to UdyÃÂna, Kashmir, to bring the teaching of the Buddha there. MahÃÂkassapa made a prediction that later would come true that another of ÃÂnanda's future pupils, SÃÂá¹ÂavÃÂsë (), would make many gifts to the saá¹ gha at MathurÃÂ, during a feast held from profits of successful business. After this event, ÃÂnanda would successfully persuade SÃÂá¹ÂavÃÂsë to become ordained and be his pupil. ÃÂnanda later persuaded SÃÂá¹ÂavÃÂsë by pointing out that the latter had now made many material gifts, but had not given "the gift of the Dhamma". When asked for explanation, ÃÂnanda replied that SÃÂá¹ÂavÃÂsë would give the gift of Dhamma by becoming ordained as a monk, which was reason enough for SÃÂá¹ÂavÃÂsë to make the decision to get ordained.
Though no Early Buddhist Text provides a date for ÃÂnanda's death, according to the Chinese pilgrim monk Faxian (337422 CE), ÃÂnanda went on to live 120 years. Following the later timeline, however, ÃÂnanda may have lived to 7585 years. Buddhist studies scholar L. S. Cousins dated ÃÂnanda's death twenty years after the Buddha's.
ÃÂnanda was teaching till the end of his life. According to Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda sources, ÃÂnanda heard a young monk recite a verse incorrectly, and advised him. When the monk reported this to his teacher, the latter objected that "ÃÂnanda has grown old and his memory is impaired ..." This prompted ÃÂnanda to attain final Nirvana. He passed on the "custody of the [Buddha's] doctrine" to his pupil SÃÂá¹ÂavÃÂsë and left for the river Ganges. However, according to PÃÂli sources, when ÃÂnanda was about to die, he decided to spend his final moments in VesÃÂlë instead, and traveled to the river Rohëni. The Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda version expands and says that before reaching the river, he met with a seer called Majjhantika (following the prediction earlier) and five hundred of his followers, who converted to Buddhism. Some sources add that ÃÂnanda passed the Buddha's message on to him. When ÃÂnanda was crossing the river, he was followed by King AjÃÂtasattu (), who wanted to witness his death and was interested in his remains as relics. ÃÂnanda had once promised AjÃÂsattu that he would let him know when he would die, and accordingly, ÃÂnanda had informed him. On the other side of the river, however, a group of Licchavis from VesÃÂlë awaited him for the same reason. In the PÃÂli, there were also two parties interested, but the two parties were the SÃÂkiyan and the Koliyan clans instead. ÃÂnanda realized that his death on either side of the river could anger one of the parties involved. Through a supernatural accomplishment, he therefore surged into the air to levitate and meditate in mid-air, making his body go up in fire, with his relics landing on both banks of the river, or in some versions of the account, splitting in four parts. In this way, ÃÂnanda had pleased all the parties involved. In some other versions of the account, including the Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda version, his death took place on a barge in the middle of the river, however, instead of in mid-air. The remains were divided in two, following the wishes of ÃÂnanda.
Majjhantika later successfully carried out the mission following the Buddha's prediction. The latter's pupil Upagupta was described to be the teacher of King Aà Âoka (3rd century BCE). Together with four or five other pupils of ÃÂnanda, SÃÂá¹ÂavÃÂsë and Majjhantika formed the majority of the Second Council, with Majjhantika being ÃÂnanda's last pupil. Post-canonical PÃÂli sources add that SÃÂá¹ÂavÃÂsë had a leading role in the Third Buddhist Council as well. Although little is historically certain, Cousins thought it likely at least one of the leading figures on the Second Council was a pupil of ÃÂnanda, as nearly all the textual traditions mention a connection with ÃÂnanda.
AjÃÂsattu is said to have built a stà «pa on top of the ÃÂnanda's relics, at the river Rohëni, or according to some sources, the Ganges; the Licchavis had also built a stà «pa at their side of the river. The Chinese pilgrim Xuan Zang (60264 CE) later visited stà «pas on both sides of the river Rohëni. Faxian also reported having visited stà «pas dedicated to ÃÂnanda at the river Rohëni, but also in MathurÃÂ. Moreover, according to the Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda version of the Saá¹Âyukta ÃÂgama, King Aà Âoka visited and made the most lavish offerings he ever made to a stà «pa:
He explained to his ministers that he did this because "[t]he body of the TathÃÂgata is the body of dharma(s), pure in nature. He [ÃÂnanda] was able to retain it/them all; for this reason the offerings [to him] surpass [all others]"body of dharma here referred to the Buddha's teachings as a whole.
In early Buddhist texts, ÃÂnanda had reached final nirvana and would no longer be reborn. But, in contrast with the early texts, according to the MahÃÂyÃÂna Lotus Sà «tra, ÃÂnanda would be born as a Buddha in the future. He would accomplish this slower than the present Buddha, Gotama Buddha, had accomplished this, because ÃÂnanda aspired to becoming a Buddha by applying "great learning". Because of this long trajectory and great efforts, however, his enlightenment would be extraordinary and with great splendor.
ÃÂnanda is depicted as an eloquent speaker, who often taught about the self and about meditation. There are numerous Buddhist texts attributed to ÃÂnanda, including the AtthakanÃÂgara Sutta, about meditation methods to attain Nirvana; a version of the Bhaddekaratta Sutta (, ), about living in the present moment; the Sekha Sutta, about the higher training of a disciple of the Buddha; the Subha Suttanta, about the practices the Buddha inspired others to follow. In the Gopaka-MogallÃÂnasutta, a conversation took place between ÃÂnanda, the brahmin Gopaka-MogallÃÂna and the minister Vassakara, the latter being the highest official of the Magadha region. During this conversation, which occurred shortly after the Buddha's death, Vassakara asked whether it was decided yet who would succeed the Buddha. ÃÂnanda replied that no such successor had been appointed, but that the Buddhist community took the Buddha's teaching and discipline as a refuge instead. Furthermore, the saá¹ gha did not have the Buddha as a master anymore, but they would honor those monks who were virtuous and trustworthy. Besides these suttas, a section of the TheragÃÂthàis attributed to ÃÂnanda. Even in the texts attributed to the Buddha himself, ÃÂnanda is sometimes depicted giving a name to a particular text, or suggesting a simile to the Buddha to use in his teachings.
In East Asian Buddhism, ÃÂnanda is considered one of the ten principal disciples. In many Indian Sanskrit and East Asian texts, ÃÂnanda is considered the second patriarch of the lineage which transmitted the teaching of the Buddha, with MahÃÂkassapa being the first and Majjhantika or Saá¹ÂavÃÂsë being the third. There is an account dating back from the SarvÃÂstivÃÂda and Mà «lasarvÃÂstivÃÂda textual traditions which states that before MahÃÂkassapa died, he bestowed the Buddha's teaching on ÃÂnanda as a formal passing on of authority, telling ÃÂnanda to pass the teaching on to ÃÂnanda's pupil Saá¹ÂavÃÂsë. Later, just before ÃÂnanda died, he did as MahÃÂkassapa had told him to. Buddhist studies scholars Akira Hirakawa and Bibhuti Baruah have expressed skepticism about the teacherstudent relationship between MahÃÂkassapa and ÃÂnanda, arguing that there was discord between the two, as indicated in the early texts. Regardless, it is clear from the texts that a relationship of transmission of teachings is meant, as opposed to an upajjhÃÂyastudent relationship in a lineage of ordination: no source indicates MahÃÂkassapa was ÃÂnanda's upajjhÃÂya. In MahÃÂyÃÂna iconography, ÃÂnanda is often depicted flanking the Buddha at the right side, together with MahÃÂkassapa at the left. In TheravÃÂda iconography, however, ÃÂnanda is usually not depicted in this manner, and the motif of transmission of the Dhamma through a list of patriarchs is not found in PÃÂli sources.
Because ÃÂnanda was instrumental in founding the bhikkhunë community, he has been honored by bhikkhunës for this throughout Buddhist history. The earliest traces of this can be found in the writings of Faxian and Xuan Zang, who reported that bhikkhunës made offerings to a stà «pa in ÃÂnanda's honor during celebrations and observance days. On a similar note, in 5th6th-century China and 10th-century Japan, Buddhist texts were composed recommending women to uphold the semi-monastic eight precepts in honor and gratitude of ÃÂnanda. In Japan, this was done through the format of a penance ritual called keka (). By the 13th century, in Japan a cult-like interest for ÃÂnanda had developed in a number of convents, in which images and stà «pas were used and ceremonies were held in his honor. Presently, opinion among scholars is divided as to whether ÃÂnanda's cult among bhikkhunës was an expression of their dependence on male monastic tradition, or the opposite, an expression of their legitimacy and independence.
PÃÂli Vinaya texts attribute the design of the Buddhist monk's robe to ÃÂnanda. As Buddhism prospered, more laypeople started to donate expensive cloth for robes, which put the monks at risk for theft. To decrease its commercial value, monks therefore cut up the cloth offered, before they sew a robe from it. The Buddha asked ÃÂnanda to think of a model for a Buddhist robe, made from small pieces of cloth. ÃÂnanda designed a standard robe model, based on the rice fields of Magadha, which were divided in sections by banks of earth. Another tradition that is connected to ÃÂnanda is paritta recitation. TheravÃÂda Buddhists explain that the custom of sprinkling water during paritta chanting originates in ÃÂnanda's visit to VesÃÂlë, when he recited the Ratana Sutta and sprinkled water from his alms bowl. A third tradition sometimes attributed to ÃÂnanda is the use of Bodhi trees in Buddhism. It is described in the text KÃÂliá¹ gabodhi JÃÂtaka that ÃÂnanda planted a Bodhi tree as a symbol of the Buddha's enlightenment, to give people the chance to pay their respects to the Buddha. This tree and shrine came to be known as the ÃÂnanda Bodhi Tree, said to have grown from a seed from the original Bodhi Tree under which the Buddha is depicted to have attained enlightenment. Many of this type of Bodhi Tree shrines in Southeast Asia were erected following this example. Presently, the ÃÂnanda Bodhi Tree is sometimes identified with a tree at the ruins of Jetavana, SÃÂvatthi, based on the records of Faxian.
Between 1856 and 1858 Richard Wagner wrote a draft for an opera libretto based on the legend about ÃÂnanda and the low-caste girl Praká¹Âti. He left only a fragmentary prose sketch of a work to be called Die Sieger, but the topic inspired his later opera Parsifal. Furthermore, the draft was used by composer Jonathan Harvey in his 2007 opera Wagner Dream. In Wagner's version of the legend, which he based on orientalist Eugène Burnouf's translations, the magical spell of Praká¹Âti's mother does not work on ÃÂnanda, and Praká¹Âti turns to the Buddha to explain her desires for ÃÂnanda. The Buddha replies that a union between Praká¹Âti and ÃÂnanda is possible, but Praká¹Âti must agree to the Buddha's conditions. Praká¹Âti agrees, and it is revealed that the Buddha means something else than she does: he asks Praká¹Âti to ordain as a bhikkhunë, and live the celibate life as a kind of sister to ÃÂnanda. At first, Praká¹Âti weeps in dismay, but after the Buddha explains that her current situation is a result of karma from her previous life, she understands and rejoices in the life of a bhikkhunë. Apart from the spiritual themes, Wagner also addresses the faults of the caste system by having the Buddha criticize it.
Drawing from Schopenhauer's philosophy, Wagner contrasts desire-driven salvation and true spiritual salvation: by seeking deliverance through the person she loves, Praká¹Âti only affirms her will to live (), which is blocking her from attaining deliverance. By being ordained as a bhikkhunë she strives for her spiritual salvation instead. Thus, the early Buddhist account of MahÃÂpajÃÂpati's ordination is replaced by that of Praká¹Âti. According to Wagner, by allowing Praká¹Âti to become ordained, the Buddha also completes his own aim in life: "[H]e regards his existence in the world, whose aim was to benefit all beings, as completed, since he had become able to offer deliverancewithout mediationalso to woman."
The same legend of ÃÂnanda and Praká¹Âti was made into a short prose play by the Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore, called Chandalika. Chandalika deals with the themes of spiritual conflict, caste and social equality, and contains a strong critique of Indian society. Just like in the traditional account, Praká¹Âti falls in love with ÃÂnanda, after he gives her self-esteem by accepting a gift of water from her. Praká¹Âti's mother casts a spell to enchant ÃÂnanda. In Tagore's play, however, Praká¹Âti later regrets what she has done and has the spell revoked.