Przemysà  II ( also given in English and Latin as Premyslas or Premislaus or in Polish as '; 14 October 1257 â 8 February 1296) was the Duke of Poznaà  from 1257âÂÂ1279, of Greater Poland from 1279 to 1296, of Kraków from 1290 to 1291, and Gdaà Âsk Pomerania (Pomerelia) from 1294 to 1296, and then King of Poland from 1295 until his death. After a long period of Polish high dukes and two nominal kings, he was the first to obtain the hereditary title of king, and thus to return Poland to the rank of kingdom. A member of the Greater Poland branch of the House of Piast as the only son of Duke Przemysà  I and the Silesian Princess Elisabeth, he was born posthumously; for this reason he was brought up at the court of his uncle Bolesà Âaw the Pious and received his own district to rule, the Duchy of Poznaà  in 1273. Six years later, after the death of his uncle, he also obtained the Duchy of Kalisz.
In the first period of his government, Przemysà  II was involved only in regional affairs, first in close collaboration and then competing with the Duke of Wrocà Âaw, Henryk IV Probus. This policy caused the rebellion of the prominent Zaremba family and the temporary loss of Wieluà Â. Working with the Archbishop of Gniezno, Jakub à Âwinka, he sought the unification of the principalities of the Piast dynasty. Unexpectedly, in 1290, under the will of Henryk IV Probus, he managed to obtain the Duchy of Kraków and with this the title of High Duke of Poland; however, not having sufficient support from the local nobility (who supported another member of the Piast dynasty, Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high) and faced with the increasing threats of King Wenceslaus II of Bohemia, Przemysà  II finally decided to retreat from Lesser Poland, which was then under the rule of Pà Âemyslid dynasty.
In 1293, thanks to the mediation of Archbishop Jakub à Âwinka, he joined into a close alliance with the Kuyavian princes Wà Âadysà Âaw the Elbow-high and Casimir II of à ÂÃÂczyca. This alliance was anti-Bohemian, and his goal was to recover Kraków, then in the hands of King Wenceslaus II.
After the death of Duke Mestwin II in 1294, and according to the Treaty of KÃÂpno signed in 1282, Przemysà  II inherited Pomerelia. This strengthened his position and enabled his coronation as King of Poland. The ceremony was held on 26 June 1295 in Gniezno, and was performed by his ally Archbishop Jakub à Âwinka. Only nine months later, on 8 February 1296, Przemysà  II was murdered during a failed kidnapping attempt made by men of the Margraves of Brandenburg, with some help from the Polish noble families of Naà ÂÃÂcz and Zaremba.
Przemysà  II was born on 14 October 1257 in Poznaà  as the fifth child and only son of Duke Przemysà  I of Greater Poland and his wife Elisabeth, daughter of Duke Henry II the Pious of Silesia. It is known that he was born in the morning, because according to the Chronicle of Greater Poland, when Dowager Duchess Elisabeth gave birth to a son, the vicars and canons of the city were singing morning prayers. At the news of the birth, the local clergy chanted the Te Deum laudamus. Shortly after his birth, the prince was baptized by the Bishop of Poznaà Â, Bogufaà  III.
According to the Chronicle of Greater Poland (Kronika wielkopolska), Przemysà  II was named after his father, who had died four months before his birth, on 4 June 1257. The form of the name in the days of his contemporaries certainly sounded like Przemysà  or possibly Przemyà Âl. However, due to the fact that the word "Przemysà Â" () means production of a good or service within an economy today, it is reasonable to be considered that his name could be a valid form from Przemysà Âaw, especially as this version is undoubtedly more medieval (occurs at the beginning of the 14th century). Another name under which the Duke of Greater Poland was probably known, following the indications of the Rocznik Koà Âbacki, is Peter (), but Oswald Balzer considered this an obvious mistake. The only historian who recognised the name Peter as authentic was K. Górski.
No sources about contemporary rulers provided information about a nickname. Only in sources related to the Teutonic Order from 1335 he is given the nickname Kynast. In current historiography he is sometimes nicknamed Posthumous (), but this has not been universally accepted.
At the time of is birth, Przemysà  II was the nominal ruler of the Duchy of Poznaà Â. The guardianship of the Duchy, probably along with his mother Elisabeth, was taken by his uncle Duke Bolesà Âaw the Pious and his wife, the Hungarian princess Jolenta (Helena). In consequence the prince remained at the court in Poznaà Â, where his mother raised him. On 16 January 1265 Dowager Duchess Elisabeth died at her estate in Modrze, and the orphaned Przemysà  together with his sisters were later cared for by their uncle.
Very little information exists about the education given to Przemysà  II. Diplomatic sources have retained only the names of two of his teachers: Dragomir and Przybysà Âaw. It is assumed (although without any direct evidence) that the prince had some knowledge of at least Latin in speech and writing.
The next mention of Przemysà  II came in 1272, when his uncle Duke Bolesà Âaw the Pious appointed him the nominal commander of an armed expedition against Brandenburg. The true commanders of the expedition were the Governor of Poznaà Â, Przedpeà Âk and the Castellan of Kalisz, Janko. The expedition was launched on 27 May; in addition to the specific purpose to acquire and destroy the newly built fortress in Strzelce Krajeà Âskie (or, in case it proved to be impossible, at least the desolation of Neumark). The young prince was to be educated in the art of war. The project, as detailed in the Chronicle of Greater Poland, was a great success. The city of Strzelce Krajeà Âskie after a short, but extremely fierce battle, was defeated and captured by the Greater Poland army. According to the Chronicle, while gaining command of the fortress, Przemysà  II ordered the slaughter of the defenders, and only the intervention of the polish knights saved the lives of the few survivors
Shortly after completing the expedition and with the majority of his forces in his way back, Przemysà  II received a confidential message that the fortress of Drezdenko was protected by only a few German knights. The young prince, despite the fact that he only had a part of his forces, decided to make a quick attack. This completely surprised the defenders and fearing the same fate of soldiers from Strzelce Krajeà Âskie, they decided to surrender the fortress in exchange for a full pardon. After this, Przemysà  II took the fortress in the name of his uncle and triumphantly returned home.
In the same year, Przemysà  II concluded his first alliance with Duke Mestwin II of Pomerelia. At first an ally of the Margraves of Brandenburg, Mestwin II could expel his brother and uncles from Pomerania and became sole ruler in 1271, but shortly after he was defeated and even imprisoned by them; this caused him to cede the province of Gdaà Âsk to Margrave Conrad of Brandenburg in exchange for aid against his foes. Despite Mestwin II retaining the feudal sovereignty over the territory, the Brandenburg Margraviate still occupied the main castles and fortresses of the city even after the restoration of Mestwin II in the ducal throne. With his knowledge that his forces are too weak against Brandenburg, the Pomeranian Duke decided then to make an alliance with the Greater Poland rulers, Bolesà Âaw the Pious (who probably was his first-cousin) and Przemysà  II.
The Greater Poland-Pomerania alliance ended up in regaining the fortresses in Gdaà Âsk and the complete expulsion of the Brandenburg forces from Pomerania. Although soon after Mestwin II decided to conclude a separate peace with the Margraviate, the alliance with Greater Poland signed in 1272 remained in force. The continuous threat of Brandenburg and the uncertainty of the alliance with Mestwin II, caused that Bolesà Âaw the Pious began to seek new allies in case of war. For this purpose, Bolesà Âaw decided to seek an agreement with Duke Barnim I of Pomerania.
As a part of the new alliance with Pomerania, marriage was arranged between Przemysà  II and Barnim I's granddaughter Ludgarda, daughter of Henry I the Pilgrim, Lord of Mecklenburg and Anastasia of Pomerania. Apparently, the young prince was pleased with his young bride, as stated in the Chronicle of Greater Poland:
After the wedding the couple was briefly separated. Przemysà  II came to Greater Poland, where together with his uncle prepared the ceremonial arrival of his wife to Poznaà Â. Finally, together with his uncle, his aunt Jolenta, Bishop Mikoà Âaj I of Poznaà  and other Greater Poland dignitaries the prince went to the border frontier in Drezdenko, where he solemnly brought Ludgarda to her new home. The alliance between Greater Poland and Pomerania was directed against Brandenburg and in 1274, resulted in more than one retaliatory expedition against Greater Poland; taken by surprise, the princes watched how without major obstacles the Brandenburg army came to Poznaà Â, and burned the main fortress of the city. Only after this, the Greater Poland knighthood was hastily organized and was able to expel the invaders.
In 1273 Przemysà  II became an independent Duke of Poznaà Â. The circumstances around this event are not entirely clear. On the basis of only one known source, a document dated 1 October 1273, it appears that Przemysà  II began to use the title of "dux Poloniae" (Duke of [Greater] Poland). A document issued on 25 August 1289, notes that the Greater Poland ruler gave the villages of WÃÂgielnice and à Âagiewnice to the major of Gniezno, Piotr Winiarczyk, in gratitude for helping him to escape from the Gniezno fortress (however, when the incident took place wasn't mentioned in the document). In light of modern historiography, the events preceding the issue of this document could be as follows: Przemysà  II, unhappy with the prolonged guardianship of his uncle, and with the support of some powerful Greater Poland magnates decided, regardless of the consequences, to assert his rights over Poznaà Â. It is unclear at this stage whether there has been any armed incidents; in any case, the demands of Przemysà  II became so insistent that they ended in his imprisonment in the Gniezno castle. It can be assumed that there wasn't a prison in the proper sense of the word, but under house arrest, during which Przemysà  II was not too rigorously guarded, since the prince was able to escape from the castle without any outside help. In a document issued to Piotr Winiarczyk, the writer used the phrase "qui de nocte consurgens", which supports the assumption that the clerk was asleep and was completely surprised by the arrival of the prince. In any case, the real cause of this grant of lands given to Winiarczyk by Przemysà  II apparently wasn't sure, and probably only equipping him with sufficient means to escape.
After escaping from Gniezno, Przemysà  II probably went on Lower Silesia under the care of Henryk IV Probus, Duke of Wrocà Âaw. This help was evidenced by the conclusion of an alliance (in unknown date) directed against "any man and Polish prince" with the exception of Duke Wà Âadysà Âaw of Opole and King Ottokar II of Bohemia.
An alliance between Przemysà  II and Henry IV placed Bolesà Âaw the Pious in a very uncomfortable situation, because he was a member of the Pro-Hungarian coalition of Polish princes (in addition to him, it included Bolesà Âaw V the Chaste, Leszek II the Black and Konrad II of Masovia) could not remain indifferent to this close cooperation with the Duke of Wrocà Âaw, which was the leader of the Pro-bohemian coalition (where other Silesian princes also belonged).
This alliance probably forced Bolesà Âaw the Pious to reconsider his treatment of his nephew and finally granted him the Duchy of Poznaà  in 1273. Przemysà  II, in exchange, not only interrupted for a time his cooperation with the Duke of Wrocà Âaw, but decided to support his uncle in the expedition against Wà Âadysà Âaw of Opole (ally of King Ottokar II and Henryk IV Probus), in retaliation for the attempts of the Opole ruler to overthrow the government of Bolesà Âaw V the Chaste in Lesser Poland during the first half of 1273. Thus, with high probability, it can be concluded that by this time the conflict between Przemysà  II and his uncle for power has been finally resolved.
Very little information exists about the rule of Przemysà  II over Poznaà Â. From the period 1273âÂÂ1279, are known only four documents issued by the prince, including two issued jointly with his uncle Bolesà Âaw the Pious.
Przemysà  II's foreign politics are more known during this time. His friendly relations with Henry IV Probus survived, despite the momentary interruption, even after 1273. This alliance was maintained without significant changes, and only as a result of the events that taken place on 18 February 1277 in the town of Jelcz near Wrocà Âaw, the Duke of Poznaà  was forced to explicitly stand at the side of the Wrocà Âaw ruler, his cousin. Henryk IV was kidnapped and imprisoned in the Legnica castle by his uncle, Duke Bolesà Âaw II the Horned. The pretext used by the Duke of Legnica to do this was the demands of the Duke of Wrocà Âaw over one-third of his domains, which, according to him, were part of his inheritance as legacy from both his father Henry III the White (died in 1266) and uncle Wà Âadysà Âaw (died in 1270). Bolesà Âaw used in his favor the political weakness of Henryk IV's guardian, King Otakar II of Bohemia, who in September 1276 was forced to submit to King Rudolph I of Germany.
Przemysà  II, faithful to his previous agreements with Henry IV Probus, decided to stand at the head of the knights of Poznaà Â, Wrocà Âaw (which generally were loyal to their ruler) and Gà Âogów (commanded by Duke Henry III) and marched to Legnica in order to obtain the freedom of Henry IV. The Legnica army was commanded by Bolesà Âaw and his eldest son Henry V the Fat. The battle took place on 24 April 1277 in the village of Stolec near Zàbkowice à Âlàskie, and, according to modern historiography, was extremely bloody and lasted almost the entire day. Initially it seemed that the coalition Poznaà Â-Gà Âogów-Wrocà Âaw would have a complete victory. The situation became even more favorable to them when Bolesà Âaw escaped from the battlefield. However, his son Henry V decided to stay until the end, and in this desperate situation encouraged his knights to fight, and finally obtain the victory; to complete the success, even Przemysà  II and Henry III were taken prisoners. However, according to Jan Dà Âugosz in his chronicle, for the Dukes of Legnica this was a Pyrrhic victory, since "died in this battle so countless number of people that the knights of Legnica, although the winner, they could mock the vanquished, because the bloody paid for victory". The imprisonment of the Duke of Poznaà Â, if it occurred, was brief. The argument against this was noted in the fact that there is no record of Przemysà  II having to pay for his release.
Whatever the truth was, by 5 July 1277 Przemysà  II was in Lubin. The release of Henryk IV Probus took place some days later, on 22 July, after the surrender to Bolesà Âaw II of 1/5 of his Duchy, with the town of à Âroda à Âlàska at the head. Bolesà Âaw the Pious was against the participation of his nephew in this conflict; he not only refused to support him militarily but also invaded the borders of the Duchy of Wrocà Âaw, trying to assert financial claims. Moreover, at this point, he gave his daughter Elizabeth in marriage to Henry V the Fat.
An additional reason for a quick end to this conflict among the Silesian princes was the personal intervention of King Ottokar II of Bohemia, who in preparation for his final confrontation with King Rudolph I of Habsburg German needed to calm the situation in Poland.
In September 1277 King Ottokar II held in the border city of Opava a meeting of Polish princes. Sources doesn't specify either the exact date or the participants. Historians speculate only that they could be: Henryk IV Probus, Bolesà Âaw V the Chaste, Leszek II the Black, Wà Âadysà Âaw of Opole with his sons, Henry III of Gà Âogów and Przemysà  II. Several political decisions were made during the meeting, most notably military actions against Germany.
The decisive battle between Ottokar II and Rudolph I took place on 25 August 1278 in the known Battle on the Marchfeld. As many 1/3 of the Czech army were supposed to be allied with the Polish troops. Przemysà  II wasn't among them, because he was then in Làd. However this doesn't mean that, as historians speculate, he didn't send troops to the Bohemian King as was planned.
The apparent difference of interests between Przemysà  II and his uncle Bolesà Âaw the Pious in the Silesian and Czech affairs, did not disturb their good relations. Evidence of this was the common issuance of documents, such as 6 January 1278.
Another proof of the close cooperation between uncle and nephew in the last years of Bolesà Âaw the Pious' life is in the events that took place in mid-1278 (probably in August): Bolesà Âaw, using the weakness of the Margraviate of Brandenburg during the fight between Ottokar II and Rudolph I, in only eight days attacked Neumark and advanced until Myà Âlibórz, where his troops defeated Margrave Otto V the Long.
Przemysà  II didn't participate in this expedition (at least directly, according to Jan Dà Âugosz), because at that moment he was in Làd, according to a document dated 24 August 1278. Certainly by the command of his uncle, The dispute was because the close ties between Ziemomysà  with the Teutonic Order, at the expense of the local noble families. Early in 1271 Ziemomysà  had suffered the rebellion of his subjects and temporary had lost his Duchy of Inowrocà Âaw, who was placed under the guardianship of both Bolesà Âaw the Pious and Leszek II the Black.
Przemysà  II was able to end the dispute between Leszek and Ziemomysà  with their local nobility definitively. The Duke of Inowrocà Âaw had to agree to two conditions: firstly, in his court all the noble families would be well tolerated and respected, and secondly, he had put a distance from his German advisors. In addition Ziemomysà  also have to accept the surrender of the towns of Kruszwica and Radziejów to Bolesà Âaw the Pious and Wyszogród to Duke Mestwin II of Pomerelia. The friendly relations between Przemysà  II and the Kuyavia Dukes proved to be durable and survived to the end of his reign. The expedition against Brandenburg in 1278 was the last important event in Bolesà Âaw the Pious' life. "Maximus trumphator de Teutonicis" (in: The highest winner on the Germans, died on 13 or 14 April 1279 in Kalisz. Without male heirs, shortly before his death he declared his nephew his only and legitimate heir and urged him to take care of his wife Jolenta-Helena and his two underage daughters, Hedwig and Anna.
The inheritance of Greater Poland by Przemysà  II went peacefully. The union proved to be durable, and with the exception of its borders with the Duchy of Wrocà Âaw, survived throughout his reign. However, despite the personal unification of the territory, the division between Kalisz and Gniezno persisted almost to the end of the 18th century. Later, in times of Casimir III the Great, there was also a visible division between the old voivodeships of Poznaà  and Kalisz.
An analysis of the contemporary documents showed that in the first period of his rule over all Greater Poland, Przemysà  II relied on the following nobles: Jan Gerbicz, Bishop of Poznaà Â; members of the powerful noble family of Zaremba: Andrzej, chancellor of Kalisz (since 1288 the first "cancellerius tocius Polonia") and later Bishop of Poznaà Â; SÃÂdziwój, chamberlain of Gniezno; Beniamin, voivode of Poznaà Â; and Arkembold, voivode of Gniezno. Other close collaborators were Wojciech Krystanowic z Lubrzy, chamberlain of Poznaà Â; Tomisà Âaw Naà ÂÃÂcz, Poznaà  castellan; Maciej, Kalisz castellan; Stefan, Wieluà  castellan, Mikoà Âaj à Âodzia, Poznaà  judge; Wincenty à Âodzia, chancellor of Poznaà Â; and the brothers Tylon, Jaà Âko and Mikoà Âaj, three notaries of middle-class origin.
During the years 1279âÂÂ1281, Przemysà  II had a rather friendly (or at least neutral) relationship with all of his immediate neighbors.
The Duke of Greater Poland felt quite safe when he was invited to a meeting organized by Henry IV Probus. The meeting took place probably on 9 February 1281 in one of the Silesian villages; however, the Duke of Wrocà Âaw had another plan â he broke all the rules of hospitality, imprisoned the three princes who were invited (Przemysà  II, Henry V the Fat of Legnica, and Henry III of Gà Âogów), and forced them to make political concessions. This action was made even more outrageous by the fact that only four years earlier Przemysà  II and Henry III risked their lives and armies to save Henry IV Probus in the Battle of Stolec, which ended with victory of Henry V the Fat, the third guest of this meeting. Historians speculate that the reason for the Duke of Wrocà Âaw to make this radical move was probably his desire to increase his influence over the neighboring principalities as part of his own plans for a royal coronation.
Finally, after brief resistance, Przemysà  II was forced to give the strategic Lesser Polish land of Wieluà  (also known as Ruda) in order to obtain his release, because Henry IV wanted a direct connection between Wrocà Âaw and Lesser Poland. The imprisonment of Przemysà  II did not last too long, because on 3 March he was documented to have been in Poznaà Â. Henry III and Henry V the Fat were both forced to grant much larger territorial concessions. In addition, the three Dukes agreed that upon the request of the Duke of Wrocà Âaw they would each give him military aid in the amount of thirty lancers. So this was, in practice, an act of homage.
The rapid release of Przemysà  II could have been aided by the intervention of Leszek II the Black and Mestwin II of Pomerelia. The reason for the arrival of Mestwin II to Greater Poland, in addition to helping his imprisoned ally, was to settle the claims of the Teutonic Order over parts of Pomerelia and to resolve the issue of succession after his own death; from his first marriage, Mestwin II had only two daughters, Catherine and Euphemia.
The first talks between Przemysà  II and Mestwin II about the latter's succession probably occurred around 1281, on occasion of the arrival of the Duke of Pomerelia in Greater Poland to visit the Benedictine Abbey in Lubin. Although there is no direct evidence that Przemysà  II was also in the Abbey in person, the presence of Jan I of Wysokowce, Bishop of Poznaà  and other Greater Poland dignitaries suggest that a compromise was then suggested. At the beginning of the next year Mestwin II again went to southern Greater Poland, in order to talk with the Papal legate Filippo di Fermo about his dispute with the Teutonic Order over the possession of the towns of Gniew and Biaà Âogard. The legate stayed in Milicz, which belonged to the Diocese of Wrocà Âaw. Due to the friendly relations of Przemysà  II (and thus his ally Mestwin II) with Henry IV Probus, the Duke of Pomerania decided to stop at the frontier village of KÃÂpno (also in the Diocese of Wrocà Âaw), and waited to hear the legate's verdict.
In KÃÂpno, Mestwin II probably expected the arrival of the Duke of Greater Poland. Here, on 15 February 1282, a treaty was concluded between Przemysà  II and Mestwin II, which secured the future unification of Gdaà Âsk Pomerania and Greater Poland. Witnesses in the signed document, among others, were Pomeranian Voivode Waysil, Poznaà  voivode Beniamin, Gniezno voivode Arkembold, Poznaà  judge Mikoà Âaj, Kalisz judge Andrzej, and the Dominican friar Piotr (later Prince-Bishop of Cammin from 1296 to 1298), who was possibly responsible for writing the text. Other important dignitaries might have been present in KÃÂpno at the time, however, they are not mentioned.
There are ongoing disputes between historians about the exact nature of the Treaty of KÃÂpno. According to some historians (for example Balzer and Wojciechowski) the treaty was a classic pact of mutual inheritance, in which the one who survives the other inherits his territory. According to others (like KÃÂtrzyà Âski, Baszkiewicz, Zielinska, Nowacki and Swieà ¼awski), it was a one-sided arrangement or donation for life from Mestwin II to Przemysà  II (called donatio inter vivos). Another theory was posed by Janusz Bieniak. He believed that Mestwin II simply paid homage for his lands to the ruler of Greater Poland, who became the de jure ruler of the territory. Currently, the second theory is the most accepted, mainly because it agrees entirely with the contemporary sources. Since 1282 Przemysà  II formally used the title of "dux Pomeranie" (Duke of Pomerania), but during Mestwin II's life he renounced his claim to the rights over Gdaà Âsk Pomerania (Pomerelia).
As was customary, the treaty would have to be approved by the nobles and knights of both lands. The meeting between the nobility of Pomerelia and Greater Poland took place between 13 and 15 September 1284 in the town of Nakà Âo, where they confirmed the rights of Przemysà  II over Gdaà Âsk Pomerania. The unification of Pomerelia and Greater Poland was not the only decision made by Przemysà  II and Mestwin II. The favors shown by the Duke of Pomerelia to the powerful witnesses of the agreement from Greater Poland showed that they were also keenly interested in the close integration of the two lands.
In December 1283 in Gniezno, at the age of 22 or 23 years, Ludgarda, wife of Przemysà  II, died unexpectedly. Relations between the spouses for some time before her death weren't very good; perhaps there had even been a separation between them. The reason for this was the supposed infertility of Ludgarda, more apparent after ten years of marriage. The actual period of marital intercourse between the spouses given their age (both are quite young at the time of their wedding) could actually be shorter. Indeed, there is no direct proof about Ludgarda's barrenness beyond the lack of offspring; in those, the childlessness in marriage was usually considered to be the woman's fault, although in this case (due to the birth of a daughter from Przemysà  II's second marriage), it seems more likely. It was not a surprise when accusations began to emerge against the Duke of Greater Poland of the suspected murder of his wife. No contemporary source mentions this, a fact more surprising because Przemysà  II had bitter enemies who certainly would use this crime against him. Also, any reactions from church or public penance would noticed.
The first suggestion about Ludgarda's mysterious death came from the 14th century Rocznik Traski:
The chronicler of the Rocznik Traski doesn't suggest an unnatural death for the Duchess, but leaves some doubts about it. The Rocznik maà Âopolski, by the other hand, spoke clearly about Ludgarda's murder in the Szamotuà Ây code, in which added further information about this event:
Another source that describes the death of Ludgarda is the Kronika oliwska, written in the mid-14th century by Abbot Stanisà Âaw. On the pages of his work, the author clearly showed aversion towards the Samborid dynasty, rulers of Pomerelia until the end of the 13th century. This aversion is also transferred to Przemysà  II:
It is unknown why the Margraves of Brandenburg would avenge the murder of Ludgarda, since this could place them in a dangerous position, considering their alliance with Pomerelia-Greater Poland. The reports of the Kronika oliwska were repeated in Mecklenburg by chronicler Ernst von Kirchberg, a wandering bard from Thuringia, who around 1378 appears at the court of Duke Albert II of Mecklenburg (Ludgarda's nephew) on occasion to his wedding. Shortly after von Kirchberg wanted to show his thanks for the Duke's hospitality and wrote a long rhyming poem, in which he also mentions Ludgarda. The story of the chronicler was as follows: Przemysà  II, at the instigation of his mother Elizabeth of Wrocà Âaw (who is well known had died in 1265, a long time before the marriage of her son) asked his wife for a divorce and return her to Mecklenburg. In view of her refusal because "What God has joined, men must not divide", Przemysà  II decided her imprisonment in the tower, where he tried to persuade her again to accept a divorce. Finally, due to her obstinacy, Przemysà  II killed her with his own dagger. In this event he was helped by one of his ministers, who finished the deed by suffocating a dying Ludgarda with a towel.
The last important source for the history of Ludgarda are Annals of Jan Dà Âugosz, who wrote about this events almost two centuries after (around 1480). Dà Âugosz was the first chronicler who locates Poznaà  as the place of Ludgarda's death. Besides, he established her date of death on 14 December, who is corroborated by contemporary sources as a date of her burial. Modern historiography generally supports the complete innocence of Przemysà  II in the sudden death of his wife.
Based on the findings of Brygida Kürbis, it can be concluded that the 10-year marriage of Przemysà  II and Ludgarda wasn't successful, and over time it became more obvious to everyone that the ducal couple was unable to have children, although this couldn't be completely certain, because Ludgarda in 1283 was at most only 23 years old. Nevertheless, is assumed that Przemysà  II's growing aversion to his wife because of her infertility was well known by all. So when in mid-December 1283 Ludgarda died suddenly and separated (evidenced by her death in Gniezno, away from Przemysà  II's court in Poznaà Â), raised suspicion that the death of the duchess was unnatural. Nobody, however, had evidence of this. Contributing to rumors was that in the 13th-century medical knowledge was negligible, and therefore often sudden death of a young person was interpreted as unnatural. In addition, the duke's rejection of a proper mourning to his wife, who was universally liked, increased the suspicions against Przemysà  II.
On 18 December 1283, a few days after Ludgarda's funeral, Greater Poland witnessed an extremely important event for later history of Poland: the consecration of Jakub à Âwinka as Archbishop of Gniezno. The event took place in the Franciscan church in Kalisz and was extremely important because after twelve years (since the death in 1271 of Archbishop Janusz Tarnowa) Poland wasn't a full-recognized prelate. Jakub à Âwinka received the papal nomination on 30 July 1283, however, because he was only a deacon, it was necessary to ordain him. This ceremony took place on 18 December and a day later Jakub received the episcopal consecration. The ceremony, according to sources, was assisted by five Polish bishops and Przemysà  II, who gave the new archbishop an expensive ring as a gift.
Little is known about the origin and early years of Jakub à Âwinka, except for his mention in a document issued by Bolesà Âaw the Pious. As Archbishop of Gniezno, the cooperation between him and Przemysà  II was excellent. One example of this was that he appeared as witness in 14 diplomats issued by the Duke of Greater Poland, including the confirmation of all his existing privileges and the permission to mint his own coins in à »nin and the castellany of Làd.
In the first half of 1284 Przemysà  II was involved on the side of Denmark and Brandenburg in an armed conflict against Western Pomerania and Rügen. Details about this event are limited, and the peace, which was concluded on 13 August, didn't bring any real benefits to Greater Poland.
Much more positive effects would arise from Przemysà  II's friendly relations with Leszek II the Black, Duke of Kraków; they had a meeting in Sieradz on 20 February 1284. Details about the reason and talks of this relationship are unknown, but they would be productive, since Przemysà  II decided to give the Kraków voivode à »egota three villages (Nieczajno, Wierzbiczany and Lulin). This good relations were maintained for some time, since seven months later, on 6 September, the Duke of Greater Poland mediated in a dispute between Leszek II the Black and his brother Casimir II of à ÂÃÂczyca with the Teutonic Order. Przemysà  II also didn't lose sight of the Pomerelian affairs, because on 13 September he had a new meeting with Mestwin II in the city of Nakà Âo.
According to the Rocznik Traski (based probably in older sources now missing), on 28 September 1284, Kalisz was burned. This soon caused a series of events which threatened the power of Przemysà  II. Now governor of Kalisz and in the city at the time of the fire, SÃÂdziwój Zaremba, fearing the consequences, decided to take the Kalisz castle (apparently not damaged in the fire) and give it to Henry IV Probus. At the news of the events of Kalisz, Przemysà  II reacted instantly. No later than 6 October, as attested by a document issued in that time, Przemysà  II was at the head of the Greater Poland knights under the city walls. In view of the refusal of submission, the duke ordered the siege. It is unknown how prolonged this siege was, but certainly soon due to the reluctance to fight from the rebels (knights and nobles probably feared that Przemysà  II, after the capture of the castle, would not spare nobody), the duke agreed to negotiate with them. Eventually, Przemysà  II regained his castle of Kalisz, but he had to give the newly built castle in Oà Âobok to Henryk IV Probus. There is no certainty that the betrayal of SÃÂdziwój Zaremba was an isolated incident or part of a wider conspiracy from the Zaremba family. However, it can be assumed that the duke didn't believe in a familiar conspiracy because most of SÃÂdziwój's relatives remained in their posts even after 1284. Another source supporting this is a document issued on 6 October (and thus during the period of siege) where the voivode of Poznaà  Beniamin Zaremba appears as a witness, and therefore had to remain in the inner circle of Przemysà  II.
Przemysà  II's change of attitude against Beniamin occurred in 1285. Due to little contemporary information, the cause is unknown. The Rocznik Traski only pointed that the Duke of Greater Poland imprisoned both SÃÂdziwój and Beniamin. At the end apparently they were treated very gently, because Mestwin II of Pomerelia not only restored them their previous post but also part of the property that was confiscated them. Moreover, Beniamin appeared again in the circle of Przemysà  II around 1286.
In 1285 Przemysà  II decided to remarry. The chosen bride was Richeza, daughter of the deposed King Valdemar of Sweden and granddaughter of King Eric IV of Denmark. Due to the lack of contacts between Greater Poland and Sweden, the negotiations were probably concluded through the mediation of the House of Ascania. The marriage by proxy took place in the Swedish city of Nyköping on 11 October 1285; in the ceremony, the Duke of Greater Poland was represented by the notary Tylon, who received from Przemysà  II the village of Giecz in gratitude for his services. It is unknown when and where the formal wedding between Przemysà  II and Rikissa took place, or who administered the sacrament of marriage: it could be either Bishop Jan of Poznaà  or Jakub à Âwinka, Archbishop of Gniezno.
The year 1285 brought to Przemysà  II other successes: in January, Archbishop Jakub of Gniezno convened a meeting in the town of à ÂÃÂczyca, where the excommunication of the main opponent of the Greater Poland ruler, Henryk IV Probus was confirmed; On 15 August Przemysà  II had another princely meeting, this time with Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high and Ziemomysà  of Inowrocà Âaw in the town of Sulejów, where the rebellion against Leszek II the Black and his deposition in favor of Konrad II of Czersk was probably discussed.
In May 1286 after the death of the Bishop of Poznaà  Jan Wyszkowic, his successor Jan Gerbicz was consecrated. The cooperation between the new bishop and Przemysà  II was good, although some historians wonder why Bishop Gerbicz later was surnamed "traditor" (traitor).
According to Jan Dà Âugosz, on 14 June 1287 some Greater Poland knights and (as was suggested by the chronicler), without the knowledge of his ruler, made a surprise attack to Oà Âobok, won the castle and returned the district to Greater Poland. Henryk IV Probus decided to not respond with any armed conflict and accepted the loss; in unknown circumstances, around this time Przemysà  II also regained Wieluà  (lost in 1281). It can be assumed that the attitude of the Duke of Wrocà Âaw was part of the concessions associated with his plans to obtain the throne of Kraków, and wanted in this way to ensure that benevolent neutrality of the Duke of Greater Poland.
Some months later, on 23 November in the city of Sà Âupsk a meeting took place between Przemysà  II, Mestwin II of Pomerelia and Bogislaw IV of Pomerania. There, they entered into and agreement of mutual cooperation and help against any opponent, especially the rulers of Brandenburg and Vitslav II, Prince of Rügen. The agreement also guaranteed the inheritance of Gdaà Âsk by Bogislaw IV or his descendants in the case of the deaths of both Mestwin II and Przemysà  II. In addition, this treaty contributed to a significant deterioration of the relations between Greater Poland and the House of Ascania, rulers of Brandenburg. The treaty was subsequently confirmed at a meeting in Nakà Âo in August 1291.
According to the theory of historian Oswald Balzer, around 1287 and by inspiration of Archbishop Jakub of Gniezno, treaty of mutual inheritance was agreed on between Leszek II the Black, Henryk IV Probus, Przemysà  II and Henry III of Gà Âogów. Balzer's theory gained immense popularity among historians. This view is refuted by Wà Âadysà Âaw Karasiewicz and Jan Baszkiewicz. However, doesn't completely exclude the possibility that during this period an agreement could have been concluded between Przemysà  II and Henryk IV Probus, evidenced by the fact that the Duke of Wrocà Âaw voluntary returned of lands Oà Âobock and Wieluà  to Przemysà  II in his will.
On 14 May 1288 at the Congress of Rzepce the alliance between Przemysà  II and Mestwin II was further strengthened. In July, the Duke of Greater Poland visited the seriously ill Leszek II the Black in Kraków. The matters discussed in this visit are unknown.
The first and only child of Przemysà  II was born in Poznaà  on 1 September 1288: a daughter, named Richeza, who later became queen of Bohemia and Poland as the wife of Wenceslaus II and after his death, of Rudolph I. The news of the birth of her daughter were also the latest information about Duchess Richeza. She certainly died after that date and before 13 April 1293, when Przemysà  II entered into his third and last marriage. It seems that Przemysà  II had deep and strong feelings for his second wife. This is evidenced not only by the fact that he give their daughter the name of the mother, but also by a document issued on 19 April 1293 where he ceded to the Bishopric of Poznaà  the village of Kobylniki as payment for a lamp lit eternally at his second wife's tomb.
On 30 September 1288 Leszek II the Black, Duke of Kraków, Sandomierz, and Sieradz, died childless . His death launched the outbreak of war in Lesser Poland. The Kraków knighthood were in favor of Bolesà Âaw II of Pà Âock, while the Sandomierz knighthood supported his brother Konrad II of Czersk; on the other hand, the middle-class citizenry favored Henryk IV Probus, Duke of Wrocà Âaw.
At the beginning of 1289, Silesian troops marched under the command of the Duke of Wrocà Âaw and his allies Bolko I of Opole and Przemko of à Âcinawa. They also counted on the support of Sulk the Bear (pl: Suà Âk z Niedà ºwiedzia), the castellan of Kraków, who had control over Wawel castle. In response, a coalition against them was formed by Bolesà Âaw II of Pà Âock, Casimir II of à ÂÃÂczyca, and Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high. Surprisingly, Przemysà  II joined with them, thus ending all of his prior arrangements with the Duke of Wrocà Âaw.
The Wrocà Âaw-Opole-à Âcinawa army realized that they had insufficient forces to resist the coalition of Greater Poland-Kuyavia-Masovia, and decided to retreat to Silesia, where they would gather more troops. The retreating troops were quickly followed and a bloody battle took place in the town of Siewierz in Bytom on 26 February 1289, culminating in a full victory for Przemysà  II and his allies. In this battle Przemko of à Âcinawa was killed and Bolko I of Opole was captured. After the battle Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high took Kraków, and Przemysà  II withdrew with his troops, making a separate truce with Henryk IV Probus. However, later in 1289, Henryk IV Probus took up arms against Kraków, removing Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high to the government of Sandomierz. This event was considered as temporary, because both Henryk IV Probus and Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high continued to use the title of Duke of Kraków and Sandomierz.
Henry IV Probus, Duke of Wrocà Âaw and Kraków, died on 23 June 1290, probably poisoned. Because he died childless, in his will he bequeathed the Duchy of Wrocà Âaw to Henry III of Gà Âogów, and Kraków â with the title of high duke and thus the overlordship over Poland â to Przemysà  II. In addition, he returned Kà Âodzko to King Wenceslaus II of Bohemia and also gave the Duchy of NysaâÂÂOtmuchów to the Bishopric of Wrocà Âaw as a perpetual fief with full sovereignty.
These latter dispositions were not surprising, since they were compatible with the most recent political stance of Henryk IV. However, the inheritance of Kraków and Sandomierz by Przemysà  II, one of his closest male relatives, caused considerable surprise among historians. In historiography, there are several theories to explain the decision of the Duke of Wrocà Âaw. Recently it has been assumed that Archbishop Jakub of Gniezno was behind this testament, because he was in Wrocà Âaw on 17 June 1290, a few days before the death of Henryk IV. In accordance with custom, Przemysà  II had to pay some religious dispositions from Henryk IV: the transfer to Kraków Cathedral of 100 pieces of fine gold and devotion to the implementation of ornaments and liturgical books to the Tyniec monastery.
Przemysà  II was probably informed very quickly about the death of the Duke of Wrocà Âaw. Due to the lack of documents, the first time he appeared with the title of Duke of Kraków was in a diploma issued on 25 July 1290. Przemysà  II never used the title of Duke of Sandomierz in any of his documents, despite having full rights over this land under the will of Henryk IV Probus. This is because he did not have possession of it: Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high, in fact, had conquered the land shortly before Henryk IV's death.
In Lesser Poland, Przemysà  II adopted the crowned eagle â which was used previously by Henryk IV Probus â as his emblem; his previous emblem, inherited from both his father and uncle, was a climbing lion.
It is unknown exactly when Przemysà  II went to Kraków to assume control, as on 24 April 1290 he was still in Gniezno. Two months later he issued a document in Kraków, where he initially supported and confirmed the power of the local elite (with castellan à »egota, chancellor Prokop, voivode Mikoà Âaj, and treasurer Florian, among others), the clergy (including Paweà  of Przemankowo, the Bishop of Kraków, who in another document issued on 12 September 1290 was given the right to collect tithes from the local income), and middle-class people.
There is no certainty about the political relations between Przemysà  II and Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high, especially regarding who was the real ruler over the Duchy of Sandomierz. The fact that Przemysà  II did not use the title "Duke of Sandomierz" supports the thesis that both competitors accepted the Elbow-high's authority and formal possession over that land, without precluding the possibility of minor clashes.
It is also noted that Przemysà  II appointed officials only in Kraków and the surrounding areas (Wieliczka and Miechów). This probably indicated that the real power of the Duke of Greater Poland was confined to the city and nearby towns. The other territories were probably held by Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high.
Przemysà  II left Kraków, capital of Lesser Poland, between 12 September and 23 October 1290. He never returned. Leaving Wawel castle, he took with him the royal crown and regalia that had been kept in the cathedral since the times of Bolesà Âaw II the Generous. At this point he was already planning his own royal coronation.
Meanwhile, the pretensions of Wenceslaus II of Bohemia over Lesser Poland became more evident. His claims were supported by the donation made for his maternal aunt, Gryfina (also named Agrippina) of Halych (widow of Leszek II the Black) and the investiture given to him by King Rudolph I of Germany. Both documents had no significance under Polish law; however, his military power, wealth and the cultural proximity with the Kingdom of Bohemia made Wenceslaus II a widely accepted candidate in Lesser Poland. Przemysà  II thus had two choices: a military confrontation (in which he had no chance due to the predominance of the Bohemian army), or political discussions.
On 14 October 1290, Archbishop Jakub à Âwinka inaugurated a provincial synod in Gniezno, assisted by Jan Gerbicz, Bishop of Poznaà Â; Tomasz Tomka, Bishop of Pà Âock; Wisà Âaw, Bishop of Kujawy; and Konrad, Bishop of Lebus (Lubusz). In addition to the Bishops, Przemysà  II and Mestwin II of Pomerelia also assisted at the Synod. It was probably in this meeting that the Duke of Greater Poland decided to abandon his rights over Lesser Poland to Wenceslaus II in exchange for a monetary compensation.
It is not known exactly when the negotiations began between Przemysà  II and Wenceslaus II. They certainly ended between 6 January (the last time when Przemysà  II used the title of Duke of Kraków in a document) and 10 April 1291 (the first time when Wenceslaus II used this title in charters). In addition, it is also known that by mid-April Bohemian troops led by Bishop Arnold of Bamberg were already at Wawel castle.
The loss of Lesser Poland did not prevent Przemysà  II from actively participating in national politics. In the early 1290s (probably shortly after the death of Henryk IV Probus), he entered in a close alliance with Henry III of Gà Âogów. Details of this treaty are not preserved, and the only historic knowledge of this matter derives from a document issued by Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high in Krzywià  on 10 March 1296, in which he emphasizes that Henry III had good rights over Greater Poland. Rejected the idea of kinship (who the Elbow-high could claim due to his marriage to Hedwig of Kalisz), it seems justified the view that in the early 1290s (certainly before January 1293, when Przemysà  II became involved with the Elbow-high) a treaty was signed in which the ruler of Greater Poland give rights of succession to the Duke of Gà Âogów.
In January 1293, political talks occurred in Kalisz between Przemysà  II, Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high, and his brother Casimir II of à ÂÃÂczyca. Details about the conversations are unknown; however two documents survive in which the succession of the throne of Kraków (although only theoretical, because the Duchy was in the hands of Wenceslaus II) would be in the following order: first Przemysà  II, then the Elbow-High, and finally Casimir II of à ÂÃÂczyca. In addition, they promised to help each other in the recovery of this land by any one of them and annually pay 300 pieces of fine silver to the Archbishop of Gniezno, with the obligation to duplicate the amount during the first two years. Conversations in Kalisz were certainly sensitive, and the initiator was without doubt Archbishop Jakub à Âwinka. The main motivation was probably to reinforce the anti-Bohemian coalition, in which the allies undertook to help each other. Przemysà  II also named the Elbow-high as his successor in Greater Poland in the case of his death without male heirs (although it is possible that, as in the case of Henry III of Gà Âogów, they signed a treaty of mutual inheritance). In spite of the arrangements there are no known actions by the coalition. Casimir II of à ÂÃÂczyca died on 10 June 1294 in the Battle of Trojanów against Lithuania.
At the Congress of Kalisz, the marriage between Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high and Hedwig of Kalisz, Przemysà  II's cousin and daughter of Bolesà Âaw the Pious, was probably arranged (and possibly performed).
Around the time of the Congress of Kalisz, Przemysà  II decided to remarry, as his beloved wife Richeza was certainly dead by that time (probably the year before). The chosen bride was Margaret, daughter of Albert III, Margrave of Brandenburg-Salzwedel and Matilda of Denmark, daughter of King Christopher I. This marriage was concluded for political reasons and was expected to secure the succession of Przemysà  II in Pomerelia. Due to the relatively close relationship between the Duke and his bride (they are both great-grandchildren of King Ottokar I of Bohemia), a papal dispensation was needed for the marriage. The wedding ceremony took place shortly before 13 April 1293; according to some historians, it was probably on this occasion that the betrothal between Przemysà  II's daughter Ryksa and Otto of Brandenburg-Salzwedel, Margaret's brother, was also celebrated.
In spring of 1294, Mestwin II of Pomerelia paid a visit to Przemysà  II. In turn, the Duke of Greater Poland was in Pomerelia on 15 June, where he approved documents with Mestwin II in Sà Âupsk. By 30 June Przemysà  II was again in Greater Poland.
The deteriorating health of Mestwin II forced Przemysà  II to make another visit to Pomerelia in autumn. It is unknown if he was present when Mestwin II died on 25 December 1294 in Gdaà Âsk; however, there is no doubt that Przemysà  II took part in his funeral. The last Duke of Pomerelia from the Samborides was buried in the Cistercian monastery in Oliwa.
After inheriting Pomerelia, Przemysà  II adopted the new title of "dux Polonie et Pomoranie". He remained in Gdaà Âsk Pomerelia until the beginning of April, but by 10 April he was in Poznaà Â.
The unification of Greater Poland and Gdaà Âsk Pomerania (Pomerelia) definitely made Przemysà  II the strongest Piast ruler. Already by 1290, and with the help of Archbishop Jakub of Gniezno, Przemysà  II began to prepare his coronation, earlier unsuccessfully pursued by Henryk IV Probus, the preliminary step for the unification of Poland.
Due to the occupation of Lesser Poland by Wenceslaus II, the Duke of Greater Poland had to postpone his plans until 1294. Only with the death of Mestwin II â an event which increased considerably his power among the Piasts rulers â Przemysà  II, together with Archbishop Jakub, took the decisive decision for a coronation.
The coronation of Przemysà  II and his wife Margaret took place at Gniezno Cathedral on Sunday 26 June 1295, the day of Saints John and Paul. It is unknown why it took place as a simple coronation ceremony (ordinis cororandi) despite it was the first Polish coronation in 219 years. Besides Archbishop Jakub of Gniezno, the other main representants of church hierarchy who participated in the ceremony were: Bishops Konrad of Lubusz, Jan II of Poznaà Â, Wisà Âaw of Wà Âocà Âawek and Gedko II of Pà Âock. From the Polish episcopate, Bishops Johann III Romka of Wrocà Âaw and Jan Muskata of Kraków were possibly either present in person or sent their consents. Historians generally agree with the above list of Bishops who participated in the coronation. Certainly are some doubts about the presence of Bishop Konrad of Lubusz, who on 18 June was in Prague. However, as was noted by Kazimierz Tymieniecki, he could be able to make the travel to Gniezno for the coronation. There is no information about the secular witnesses of the coronation; certainly many dignitaries from both Greater Poland and Pomerelia must have arrived. Similarly, no sources point to the presence of other Piasts rulers in the ceremony.
The consent of Pope Boniface VIII wasn't necessary, because due to the earlier coronations Poland was already a Kingdom. Contemporary sources do not definitively confirm that Przemysà  II and Archbishop obtained the approval of the Holy See for the coronation. Only the Kronika oliwska and the Kronika zbrasà Âawska stated that the coronation took place with such consent.
If there was an explicit approval, it could influence the later effort of Wà Âadysà Âaw the Elbow-high to obtain the Pope's permission for his own coronation; the coronation in 1320 took however place in very different circumstances, because Wà Âadysà Âaw had a competitor to the throne in the person of King John of Bohemia and the Papacy was then strongly influenced by the French court. In 1295 the Papacy was an independent entity and the Polish episcopate could more calmly await the expected protests from Wenceslaus II.
Regardless of whether Przemysà  II has obtained the consent of the Pope or not, the legality of his coronation was not questioned by his contemporaries. Even the Czech Kronika zbrasà Âawska did not deny the royal title of the Duke of Greater Poland, although it called him King of Kalisz. Finally, Wenceslaus II restricted his actions only to diplomatic protests to both Przemysà  II (where he tried to persuade him to give up the crown) and the Papal Curia.
The coronation of Przemysà  II gave rise to a dispute between historians about the extent of his kingdom. Stanisà Âaw Kutrzeba pointed that Przemysà  II, in fact, was crowned King of Greater Poland. This theory caused a lively discussion, which to this day doesn't give a clear answer about the monarchical status of Przemysà  II. It could be expected however that Przemysà  II wanted to revive through the coronation the old Kingdom of Poland, which also agrees with the inscription on the post-coronation seal Reddidit ipse pronis victricia signa Polonis, although in reality Przemysà  II was politically limited to Greater Poland and Gdaà Âsk Pomerania.
After the coronation, Przemysà  II went to Pomerelia and came to Sà Âupsk On 30 July, where he confirmed the privileges of the Cistercian monasteries in Oliwa and à »arnowiec. He then visited other major cities: Gdaà Âsk, Tczew and à Âwiecie. In August 1295 he returned to Greater Poland but in October he was again in Gdaà Âsk. This demonstrates how important the Duchy of Pomerelia was for Przemysà  II.
Taking into account the fact that these events took place in the 13th century, the sources that stated any details concerning Przemysà  II's death are dubious; the Kronika wielkopolska failed to mention the events in Rogoà ºno.
Sources are divided about who are the perpetrators of the murder of the Polish King: the margraves of Brandenburg, some Polish families (the Naà ÂÃÂczs or Zarembas or the two families at the same time), and finally attempts to reconcile the two theories.
One of the first sources who must be taken into account was the almost contemporary Rocznik kapituà Ây poznaà Âskiej. The records shows that the margraves of Brandenburg, Otto V, another Otto (perhaps Otto IV), and John IV, nephew of Przemysà  II (as son of his oldest sister Constance), sent an army who arrived in the dawn on 8 February 1296 to the town of Rogoà ºno, where the King spent the Carnival to kidnap him. However, because he showed strong resistance and was wounded, the men, unable to take him injured to Brandenburg, finally killed him. The motive for the crime was the hatred of the margraves toward the Polish King because of his coronation.
The murder of King Przemysà  II by men of the margraves of Brandenburg was also supported by the Kronika oliwska (Chronicle of Oliva), which stipulates that after the coronation:
With high probability it is assumed that the first part of this information, was translated from the Liber Mortuorum Monasterii Oliviensis by the author of the Kronika oliwska, Abbot Stanisà Âaw, and the message about the motives of the murder as a revenge for Ludgarda's death is the result of a latter addition of the Abbot. This passage established the main indication that Margrave Waldemar of Brandenburg was guilty of the crime; however, during the tragic events he could not have participated because in 1296 he had less than 15 years old. Waldemar certainly gained notoriety only around 1308, after his failed attempt to seize Pomerania.
Another earlier source who wrote about the death of Przemysà  II at the hands of Brandenburg, was the Rocznik koà Âbacki of the Cistercian monastery in Koà Âbacz on Western Pomerania. The brief information is valuable primarily because it was the only one who named the direct perpetrator of the crime, a man named Jakub Kaszuba. The problem is that nothing certain about him was found in other sources, and besides, the name of Piotr, under what is known Przemysà  II in the chronicle, raises big surprise. Most likely this is a mistake of the author.
Finally, another source who accused the margraves of Brandenburg was the relative later Chronicle of Henry of Hertford, which although written during the mid-14th century, was reliable enough because was from Germany (and therefore unsuspected of being partial). There he stated that Przemysà  II died during a war between Brandenburg and Greater Poland.
Another German chronicler, who unequivocally accused the House of Ascania was Dietmar of Lübeck, which also pointed out that Przemysà  II's wife Margaret took part in the conspiracy which killed him, due to her family relations. It is unknown whether the chronicler found this information, from earlier sources or deduced it based on the simple relationship: because Margaret came from the family accused of the murder, she had to participate. Historian Maà Âgorzata Duczmal heavily criticized accusing the Queen of the complicity in the crime, by pointing out that without her husband Margaret would lose all her political significance and endanger position of any of potential child had she been pregnant by Przemysà Â; moreover, Duczmal sees as improbable that the Dowager Queen would be entrusted with guardianship over her stepdaughter, Princess Ryksa, had in Poland be any doubt regarding the innocence of King's wife.
There are a number of sources, both Polish and foreign, who accused some Polish noble families as perpetrators of the crime. Among the Polish sources who established this fact are: the Rocznik maà Âopolski in the Szamotuà Ây codec, the Rocznik SÃÂdziwoja and the Kronika ksiÃ à ¼Ã t polskich. The priority should be given to the nearest chronologically Rocznik Traski. Extremely important is also the testimony of Jan à Âodzia, Bishop of Poznaà  during the Polish-Teutonic War of 1339, because it came from a person who participated in the political life of Greater Poland of those times.
The foreign sources who described the crime and pointed the culprits are: the Annales Toruniensis (date from the early 15th century), the Kronika zbrasà Âawska (dated from the 14th century) and the , who was written in the first half of the 14th century. From the above-mentioned chronicles (from Lesser Poland, Bohemian and Kievan Rus' provenance), the main perpetrators in the King's death were Greater Poland noble families. These families have been identified as either the Zarembas (according to the Rocznik maà Âopolski) or the Naà ÂÃÂczs with the help of the Zarembas (according to the ).
Finally, a third group of sources accused both the margraves of Brandenburg and the Polish noble families of the murder; for example the Rocznik à ÂwiÃÂtokrzyski nowy. Almost identical information was shown in the Katalog biskupów krakowskich, dated from the 15th century; however, there is an addition which also indicated that Wenceslaus II and a group of unnamed Polish princes are involved in the crime. It is unknown whether the author mentioned the involvement of Wenceslaus II as a simple deduction: because he had the greatest benefit for this crime, he must be the perpetrator. Finally, Jan Dà Âugosz indicated that the Zaremba and Naà ÂÃÂcz families, with the help of some "Saxons", are the perpetrators of the crime, a fact also reported by Marcin Bielski and Marcin Kromer.
8 February 1296 is widely recognized as the date of the crime. In fact, it appears in the Rocznik Traski, Rocznik maà Âopolski, , Kalendarz wà Âocà Âawski and the Liber mortuorum monasterii Oliviensis. The dates given by the Rocznik kapituà Ây poznaà Âskiej (6 February) and the Nekrolog lubià Âski (4 February), as well the reports of Jan Dà Âugosz are considered erroneous.
As for the place of death, historians considers accurate the versions of the Rocznik maà Âopolski ("prope oppidum Rogoszno") or the Rocznik SÃÂdziwoja ("ante Rogoszno"), who stated that Przemysà  II was killed near Rogoà ºno.
The body of 39-year-old Przemysà  II was buried in the Archcathedral Basilica of St. Peter and St. Paul in Poznaà Â, according to the Rocznik kapituà Ây poznaà Âskiej. The funeral was presided by Bishop Jan. Crowds of nobles, clergy, knights and common citizens took part in the procession.
The death of Przemysà  II as a result of a failed kidnapping attempt was a matter of interest between historians. Circumstances of the death of the last of the Piast Greater Poland line was specifically studied by Karol Górski, Kazimierz Jasià Âski, Zygmunt Boras, Bronisà Âaw Nowacki and Edward Rymar. The importance in Polish history of the death of Przemysà  II was also relevant in the works of Wà Âadysà Âaw Karasiewicz and Jan Pakulski, due to the role of the Naà ÂÃÂcz and Zaremba families.
In 1295 the King spent Christmas in Gniezno, where he met with Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high. The reason for this meeting is unknown. Probably the possibility of the recovery of Lesser Poland was discussed, as was the defeat of Brandenburg. In any case, these conversations could be shown as a threat by the Brandenburg Margraves, who still are anxiously watching the inheritance of Pomerelia by Przemysà  II after Mestwin II's death and his royal coronation. But the main concern of the House of Ascania was obvious to all: the union of the Kingdom of Poland, and that sooner or later Przemysà  II would claim the lands seized by the Margraves in Greater Poland.
After 25 January 1296 the King left his capital, and surely by 3 February he was in Pyzdry. For the last days of the Carnival (between 4âÂÂ7 February) Przemysà  II decided to spend these festivities in the town of Rogoà ºno.
It is unknown if the King was accompanied by his wife Margaret or by his daughter Ryksa, but it appears to be likely.
Leaving Pyzdry, the King certainly didn't think that about only 30 km away, in the Brandenburg town of Brzezina are staying the two brothers Margraves Otto IV with the Arrow and Conrad, and the sons of the latter: Otto VII, John IV and probably also the youngest, Waldemar. They were carefully informed by traitors from Przemysà  II's inner circle about the King's itinerary for the next few days.
In the meanwhile, Przemysà  II participated in the traditional tournaments and religious services of the Carnival. The security guard of the King became weaker, especially since probably 8 February. On that day began the forty days of Lent, and before heading out again the entourage wanted to rest.
The plan of kidnap the King by the Margraves of Brandenburg was widely detailed by the Roczniki maà Âopolski. They probably wanted to obtain from Przemysà  II the resignation of Pomerelia and with this, his plans for the unification of Polish Kingdom. The contingent was probably consisted of dozens of people, because made the kidnapping in hostile territory require adequate preparation. Direct command of the army was entrusted, according to the Rocznik koà Âbacki to certain Jakub, who was identified by Edward Rymar as Jakub Guntersberg (Jakub Kaszuba).
Although the personal participation of the Margraves in the kidnapping was stated in the Rocznik kapituà Ây poznaà Âskie and the chronicle of Jan Dà Âugosz, this fact seems unlikely, because they would not risk their lives, with no certainty of success. In any case, an army of a few dozen men set off in the evening on 7 February (probably after sunset), by the shortest route through Noteàto the place where Przemysà  II stayed. As was stated by Karol Górski, the sunset of 7 February (or properly 30 January, if we taken into account the subsequent calendar reform) occurred at 16:48, and the sunrise had come about 7:38, which gave fourteen hours to the army to quietly reach to their target.
The attack took place early in the morning of 8 February, on Ash Wednesday, when the bodyguards of the King were in a deep sleep. Despite this, they were able to organize a defense under the personal guidance of the King, but the attackers were too numerous to overcome. The primary objective of Jakub Kaszuba's people was the capture of Przemysà  II; they succeeded only after the King, covered with numerous wounds, fell to the ground. The Brandenburg army seriously wounded his horse to flee towards the border with Silesia (probably with the intention to confuse the Polish army). Soon, the kidnappers realized that they weren't able to bring alive the King, and the prisoner only delays their escape. Then decided the murder of the King, a deed personally made by Kaszuba. A late tradition says that the murder took place probably in the village of Sierniki, about 6.5 km east from Rogoà ºno. The King's body was abandoned on the road, where was found by the knights involved in the persecution. The place where the crime was committed and his body was found (pl: poràbania) was traditionally named Poràblic. The assassins were never caught.
Thus, there is much convincing evidence for the participation of the Margraves of Brandenburg in the murder. According to Kazimierz Jasià Âski, that efficient action wasn't possible without the participation of people who was close to Przemysà  II. Historians are divided about what of two noble families, Naà ÂÃÂcz or Zaremba, participated in this event. The Zarembas are more suspect based on the writings of the Rocznik maà Âopolski:; the rebellion of 1284, certainly caused a deterioration in their relations with the King. About the Naà ÂÃÂcz family, there is no accusation against them in the Rocznik à ÂwiÃÂtokrzyskiego nowy or in the chronicle of Dà Âugosz; in fact, modern historiography writes about the friendly relationship of Przemysà  II with the Grzymaà Âa and à Âodzia families, and also with the Naà ÂÃÂcz.
Although the death of Przemysà  II, last male member of the Piast Greater Poland line, certainly surprised his neighbors (including Brandenburg, whose purpose was to kidnap the king, not his murder), it caused the rapid intervention of all the forces who wanted to seize power in his domains. Probably even in February, and by March, Greater Poland was in the middle of a confrontation between Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high (supported by Bolesà Âaw II of Pà Âock) and Henry III of Gà Âogów (with the help of Bolko I of Opole).
The war, if it really took place, didn't last long, because on 10 March 1296 in Krzywià  an armistice was signed. Under the agreement, the Elbow-high accepted the rights of the Duke of Gà Âogów over Greater Poland, following the terms of his previous treaty with Przemysà  II. In addition the Duke of Kujawy adopted Henry III's eldest son Henry as his heir, while ensuring that at the moment of his majority the Elbow-high would provide him with the Duchy of Poznaà Â.
It's not known why Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high considered that Henry III of Gà Âogów had better rights to Greater Poland than him. Generally, historians believe that it was probably because of the constant threat of Brandenburg, who seized the land of Noteàand the castles in Wieleà Â, Czarnków, Ujà Âcie, Santok and Drezdenko.
The second reason for Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high's quick agreement with Henry III of Gà Âogów was the intervention in Gdaà Âsk of his nephew Leszek of Inowrocà Âaw, which made claims to this part of the lands of Przemysà  II. Finally, thanks to the fast intervention of the Elbow-high in Pomerelia, Leszek retreated to his paternal domains in Inowrocà Âaw after receiving as compensation the town of Wyszogród.
With the death of Przemysà  II came the partition of his domains, and only thanks to the instant reaction of Wà Âadysà Âaw I the Elbow-high, the losses against of Brandenburg, Gà Âogów and Kujawy were relatively small.
Przemysà Â's only daughter, Princess Ryksa, was placed into the care of her stepmother Queen Margaret of Brandenburg, and was raised by her stepfamily in Brandenburg until 1300, when she moved to Bohemia after being engaged to King Wenceslaus II, whom she ultimately married in 1303. The couple eventually ascended to Polish throne, but Weneclaus died shortly after, in 1305. Ryksa remarried to Rudolf of Habsburg, who tried to claim kingship over Poland by virtue of being her husband; he died however after just one year of marriage in 1307, leaving the Queen a widow once again. While not marrying any of them, she nevertheless was supporting claims of next Bohemian rulers to Polish throne. Queen's only surviving child was Agnes, who died without issue around 1336, thus ending Przemysà Â's progeny.
During his reign Przemysà  II had only five seals:
Historians do not agree why Przemysà  II replaced the seal used by his father and uncle for a lion and an eagle. It is believed that either he wanted to emphasize his precedence from the Piast dynasty (the eagle in the coat of arms was also used by Wà Âadysà Âaw III Spindleshanks and Wà Âadysà Âaw Odonic), or with the symbol wanted to emphasize his rights inherited from Henryk IV Probus.
There is no known coin which can certainly be attributed to Przemysà  II. However, due to the existence of mints, confirmed by sources, it is possible that many coin portrayals were misinterpreted by experts. Some historians attributed to the Greater Poland ruler two types of coins: the Bracteate, preserved in seven copies, showing a portrait in profile with a crown, holding in his hands a sword, and a coin preserved in a single copy, which differs from the first model inscription "REX" and the crowning headgear (on the second copy appears topped with a cross). Both coins resemble the Denarius from times of Bolesà Âaw II the Generous.
Due to the nature of the extant sources from the times of Przemysà  II (documents, and narrative texts recording mainly -if not exclusively- political events) it is difficult to indicate what the major plans of action of the King in the economic sphere were. The most important ally for Przemysà  II was the Roman Catholic Church, and for obvious reasons (copyists and translators, in the vast majority, are from the clergy) most documents who detailed their collaboration have been preserved to this day.
One of the most important political allies of Przemysà  II was Jakub à Âwinka, Archbishop of Gniezno. Already on 8 January 1284 he managed to obtain the village of Polanów. Much more important grace of the King to Archbishop Jakub was received on 1 August when he obtained the right of mint his own coins in à »nin and the castellany of Làd. Moreover, under these privilege of coins mint, the Archbishop was to be treated as equal with the Greater Poland ruler. Two years later, on 20 June 1286 there was a failed attempt to get the same privilege of the Archbishop to Duke Bolesà Âaw II of Masovia in à Âowicz; this became in the basis for the economic independence of Jakub and the economic power of Greater Poland. Also, the Bishop of Poznaà  received similar grants from Przemysà  II for example, in 1288 in the city of à Âródka, in 1289, an exemption from mercantile taxes to the episcopal city of Buk, and finally, in 1290, was approved the grant of German law for Sà Âupca. For political reasons, there is no similar support to other bishops -with one exception- in 1287, Przemysà  II released Bishop Konrad of Lubusz from the current Polish law and authorized the implementation of the German law in his diocese.
The Greater Poland ruler also tried to support monastical Orders. The surviving sources showed that among the most favored were the Cistercians and especially his monasteries in Làd (who received grants in the years 1280, 1289, 1291 and 1293), à Âekno (1280, 1283, 1288), and Goà Âcikowo (1276, 1277, 1290). Those enjoying a little less support included the Benedictines (especially the monastery of Lubin, who received privileges in the years 1277, 1294, 1296), and Dominicans (his friary in Poznaà  received in 1277 the right to fishing on the Warta, and the monastery of Wronki monetary grants). Przemysà  II also granted small privileges to military orders: the Templars, the Hospitallers, and the Canons of the Holy Sepulchre.
Przemysà  II also favored the middle class, and happily to this day many documents regarding this have survived. In 1280, the capital Poznaà  bought from the government lands and utilities, and received income from stalls and shambles. Three years later, the merchants were freed from paying some taxes in Greater Poland. The second main city in Greater Poland, Kalisz, received in 1282 the confirmation of some rights previously granted by Bolesà Âaw the Pious. In 1283, the Duke extended the town privileges in all the cities of Greater Poland following the model of Kalisz (Privilege of Kalisz). In 1287 another city was granted privileges for the Jewish community to establish a local cemetery in the village of Czaszki). In 1289 a city obtained consent for the construction of five pharmacies and the authorization of a sixth). In 1291 cloth sellers received from the Duke the revenue from customs duties, and the city received 12 pieces of land for the purpose of grazing). In 1292 an exemption from customs duties levied in Oà Âobok was granted.) In 1294 noble privileges, based on former and existing German laws, were granted in the city of Kalisz).
In addition to the privileges granted to Poznaà  and Kalisz, other individual privileges given to Pyzdry in 1283 (exemption from paying customs duties merchants in Greater Poland), to Rogoà ºno in 1280 (implementation of the German law) and Elblàg in 1294 (confirmation of privileges given by Mestwin II).
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