Këngi TÃÂwhiao (Tà «karoto Matutaera Pà Âtatau Te Wherowhero TÃÂwhiao, ; c. 1822 â 26 August 1894), known initially as Matutaera, reigned as the MÃÂori King from 1860 until his death. After his flight to the King Country, TÃÂwhiao was also Paramount Chief of Te Rohe Pà Âtae for 17 years, until 1881. A rangatira, and a religious figure â a tohunga ariki â TÃÂwhiao amassed power and authority during a time of momentous change, to become de facto leader of the Waikato tribes. He was a member of the Ngati Mahuta hapà « and the kÃÂhui ariki, the Këngitanga royal family.
The son of këngi Pà Âtatau te Wherowhero, TÃÂwhiao was elected the second MÃÂori King after his father's death in 1860. Unlike his unenthusiastic father, TÃÂwhiao embraced the kingship, and responded immediately to the challenge of ongoing Raukawa and Tainui support for Te ÃÂti Awa during the First Taranaki War. In 1863, TÃÂwhiao was baptised into the Pai MÃÂrire faith, taking his regnal name, before leading the response to the invasion of the Waikato. After the Këngitanga suffered a heavy defeat at the Battle of Rangiriri and war crimes at the trading centre of Rangiaowhia, TÃÂwhiao led the exodus of Tainui to the land of NgÃÂti Maniapoto, establishing a secessionist state called Te Rohe Pà Âtae (the King Country). Warning all Europeans that they risked death if they crossed the border, he governed Te Rohe Pà Âtae as an independent state for almost twenty years. TÃÂwhiao's power began to decline significantly in the 1880s, as his relations with Raukawa ki NgÃÂti Maniapoto deteriorated. He formally sued for peace with George Grey at Pirongia on 11 July 1881, allowing the construction of the North Island Main Trunk railway line, which first opened the King Country up to the outside world. Attempts by TÃÂwhiao to regain personal sovereignty or establish co-governance in accordance with the Treaty of Waitangi failed, and the Këngitanga began to lose its supporters. The king died suddenly in August 1894, and was succeeded by his son Mahuta TÃÂwhiao.
TÃÂwhiao's legacy includes building the kingitanga from a union of mid-Northern tribes into "one of New ZealandâÂÂs most enduring political institutions," becoming a powerful adversary of the Crown that endured even after the exodus into the King Country and the eventual loss of its sovereignty. He is credited with establishing several key Këngitanga institutions, including Te Whakakitenga, the bicameral legislature of Waikato Tainui, and the annual Poukai conference, as well as the initial Këngitanga Bank, which collapsed, and then the successful Bank of Aotearoa. TÃÂwhiao has also been the subject of controversy, in connection with the forfeiture of the Këngitanga Bank, and his conversion to Mormonism.
Tà «karoto Pà Âtatau Te Wherowhero (Tainui orthonography: Tuukaroto Pootatau Te Wherowhero) was born around 1822 at NgÃÂruawÃÂhia. His father, Te Wherowhero, was arguably the Paramount Chief of the Waikato people, and his mother, Whakaawi, was Te Wherowhero's senior wife. Te Wherowhero the younger was raised through whÃÂngai by his mother's parents, making him distant from his father. He was named Tà «kÃÂroto in commemoration of his father's stand at the siege of MÃÂtakitaki pàin May 1822 against NgÃÂpuhi. After the Waikato were defeated by musket-armed NgÃÂpuhi led by Hongi Hika in a battle at Matakitaki (Pirongia) in 1822, they retreated to Orongokoekoea PÃÂ, in what is now the King Country, and lived there for several years. TÃÂwhiao was born at Orongokoekoea in about 1825 and was named Tà «karoto to commemorate, it is said, his father's stand at Matakitaki.
TÃÂwhiao's name changed throughout his life. Initially known as Tà «karoto, he was later baptised Matutaera (Methuselah) by Anglican missionary Robert Burrows, a name he would repudiate in 1867. Te Ua HaumÃÂne, the Hauhau prophet and founder of the Pai MÃÂrire faith, sought counsel with the king in the 1860s. After the invasion of the Waikato in 1863, Matutaera travelled to Te Namu pàin à Âpunake to meet him. There, Matutaera was baptised into the Pai MÃÂrire faith, taking the name TÃÂwhiao, meaning "encircle the world".
In 1858 TÃÂwhiao's father, Pà Âtatau Te Wherowhero, was installed as the first MÃÂori King (taking the name Pà Âtatau), his purpose being to promote unity among the MÃÂori people in the face of PÃÂkehàencroachment. Pà Âtatau was an unwilling ruler, and acquiesced to accept the crown as merely a transitional holder. Several rà «nanga were held to discuss the proposal for the elderly Te Wherowhero to ascend to the Kingitanga. One such hui was an 1857 meeting known as Te Puna o te Roimata (the wellspring of tears), at Haurua, south of à Âtorohanga, hosted by Tainui kin NgÃÂti Maniapoto. Tanirau, a powerful NgÃÂti Maniapoto chief, announced the iwi's at-large decision to support Pà Âtatau as king. Pà Âtatau replied, âÂÂE TÃÂ, kua tà  te rÃÂâ (O sir, the sun is about to set), a proverb commenting on his advanced age and poor health, implying he had not much longer to live. Tanirau replied, âÂÂE tà  ana i te ahiahi, e ara ana i te ata, e tà « koe he Këngiâ (it sets in the evening to rise again in the morning; thou art raised up a king). This referred to the possibility of introducing hereditary rule to the monarchy; Tanirau later espoused support for TÃÂwhiao (then known as Matutaera) or his siblings to succeed Pà Âtatau Te Wherowhero upon the latter's death. Pà Âtatau replied, âÂÂE pai anaâ (it is good), and ascended to the kingship, and to Waikato the role of kaitiaki of the Këngitanga. The Këngitanga remains a hereditary monarchy, and is yet to leave the hands of Waikato Tainui.
When PÃ Âtatau died in 1860, TÃÂwhiao, his sister Te Paea Tiaho, and Wiremu Tamihana Tarapipipi of NgÃÂti HauÃÂ were candidates to succeed him. TÃÂwhiao was chosen and reigned for thirty-four years during one of the most difficult and discouraging periods of MÃÂori history. During this period there were two governments de jure; English law and governance prevailed within the British settlements and MÃÂori custom over the rest of the country, although the influence of the King was largely confined to the Waikato and even there chiefs such as Rewi Maniapoto only cooperated with the king when it suited them. However the PÃÂkehÃÂ population was increasing rapidly while the MÃÂori population was unknown as there was no reliable census of Maori and PÃÂkehÃÂ / Maori for 80 years. Because Maori separated themselves from PÃÂkehÃÂ, many believed, wrongly, that the Maori population was declining rapidly. This was also the period when British industrial, trade and political power was at its height. The presence of an independent native state in the central North Island was officially ignored by the government until it developed the potential to undermine the colonial government's sovereignty.
After TÃÂwhiao converted to the Pai MÃÂrire faith in early 1863, he and Te Ua Haumene established Te Këwai o te Kete, the military pact forged between Taranaki and Tainui MÃÂori during the New Zealand Wars. The two iwi had recently allied in 1860, during the First Taranaki War, when Kingitanga forces under the command of Epiha Tokohihi had come to the aid of Taranaki leader Wiremu Këngi Te RangitÃÂke. Pà Âtatau Te Wherowhero had died in June 1860, making the First Taranaki War TÃÂwhiao's first major challenge. TÃÂwhiao supported the Këngitanga's uniting principle of opposition to the sale of MÃÂori land, to prevent the spread of British sovereignty, but as a pacifist he was divided over how to respond. Both Wiremu Këngi and the Colonial Government had made repeated diplomatic approaches to Pà Âtatau to ask him for military and diplomatic support, but by early May Pà Âtatau seemed to have decided to offer at least token support to Taranaki MÃÂori, sending a Kingite war party to the district under the control of war chief Epiha Tokohihi. TÃÂwhiao eventually opted to maintain this policy.
In 1863, after Maniapoto warriors ambushed and killed British soldiers escorting a detained British soldier along the beach to New Plymouth to stand trial, the Government attacked the Kingitanga in Waikato, to suppress the King movement and remove a supposed threat to neighbouring Auckland. Having succeeded the inefficient Thomas Gore Browne as Governor, George Grey had convinced the government of a supposed invasion of Auckland by Waikato Tainui. According to Browne, in response to his belligerence in the First Taranaki War, Kingite leaders formed plans to launch a raid on Auckland on 1 September and burn the town and slaughter most of its residents. This has since been dismissed by such historians as James Belich as being fear-mongering from Browne in order to try and gain military support. Browne's invasion plan was suspended when he was replaced by Grey in September that year, and the Kingites in turn abandoned their plan for their uprising. Grey had held a grudge against the Këngitanga since falling out with TÃÂwhiao's father, his old friend Pà Âtatau Te Wherowhero, with whom he had once had a "wonderful relationship", according to historian Rahui Papa. According to Brad Totorewa, Grey had begged Te Wherowhero to protect Auckland from NgÃÂpuhi, but Te Wherowhero had refused; after a meeting in which Grey demanded Te Wherowhero to relinquish his power or face seven years of war, Te Wherowhero had threatened to eat him.
With his longstanding desire to destroy the Kingitanga in mind, on 9 July 1863 Grey issued a new ultimatum, ordering that all MÃÂori living between Auckland and the Waikato take an oath of allegiance to Queen Victoria or be expelled south of the river. As many young men retreated into the bush with their weapons, officials began seizing othersâÂÂincluding the ill and agedâÂÂwho declined to swear the oath, imprisoning them without charge. Two days later Grey issued a proclamation directed to the "Chiefs of Waikato" as opposed to TÃÂwhiao in particular, which read:Within a dayâÂÂbefore the proclamation had even reached the TÃÂwhiaoâÂÂGrey ordered the invasion of TÃÂwhiao's territory. Though Grey claimed it was a defensive action, historian B. J. Dalton has claimed Grey's reports to London had been "a deliberate and transparent falsehood" and that the invasion was an act of "calculated aggression". According to historian Vincent O'Malley, there was a total of 18,000 troops involved in the invasion of the Waikato, who had the advantage of a ready supply of food and ammunition. The campaign lasted for nine months, from July 1863 to April 1864. The invasion was aimed at crushing Kingite power (which European settlers saw as a threat to colonial authority) and also at driving Waikato MÃÂori from their territory in readiness for occupation and settlement by European colonists.
TÃÂwhiao's response was to abandon his pacifism and fight. He relied on his junior chiefs to help sustain the population and engineer defences and palisades to protect pàand areas of economic importance, such as flour mills. Te Wharepu, a leading Waikato chief, was the mastermind behind the defences of Rangiriri, a one kilometre-long system of deep trenches and high parapets that ran between the Waikato River and Lake Waikare. Despite this, the Battle of Rangiriri of 20âÂÂ21 November 1863 was lost by the Waikato MÃÂori, at a higher cost to both sides than any other single engagement of the New Zealand Wars. Further atrocities committed at Rangiaowhia made the situation even more desperate for TÃÂwhiao's leadership.
The Battle of à ÂrÃÂkau was a turning point, and arguably the Waikato War's decisive engagement, which "signified the end of one form of resistance and the beginning of another". The battle was commanded by TÃÂwhiao, Wiremu Tamihana, and Rewi Maniopoto between 31 March and 2 April 1864, against the forces of Duncan Cameron. According to Michael Belgrave, when Cameron offered the forces of TÃÂwhiao and Rewi Manipoto surrender, the defenders replied, âÂÂE hoa, ka whawhai tonu ahau ki a koe, ake, ake!â (âÂÂFriend, I shall fight against you for ever, for ever!âÂÂ). When the women and children were offered safe passage, a voice from the pàcalled out, "Ki te mate nga tane, me mate ano nga wahine me nga tamariki" ("If the men die, the women and children must die as well"). Belgrave says that although their escape "was marked by rape and the brutal killing of the surrendered", the bravery of the last defenders of à ÂrÃÂkau played no part in the myth that emerged.
Described as "Rewi's Last Stand", the battle was remembered by PÃÂkehàhistorians in the coming decades as the "dying act of a doomed people pitted against.. a superior European world". According to Belgrave, George Grey used the events at à ÂrÃÂkau to describe MÃÂori resistance as "an act of unconquerable courage upon the part of . . . adversaries, who fell before superior numbers and weapons â an act which the future inhabitants of New Zealand will strive to imitate, but can never surpass". Belgrave has argued that this undermines the resilience of Waikato Tainui, as evident by their exodus to the King Country.
After the defeat of the Këngitanga at à ÂrÃÂkau, Cameron prepared to assault Wiremu Tamihana's pÃÂ, Te Tiki o te Ihingarangi, about 25 km northeast of à ÂrÃÂkau near modern-day Lake Karapiro, where TÃÂwhiao had escaped to. The pàformed part of a long line of pàthe Kingites called aukati, or boundary. Cameron assessed the pàas too strong to assault and incapable of outflanking. On 2 April he settled his troops in front of it, and prepared to shell it. On 5 April, the pÃÂ's inhabitants fled, and began their long exodus southeast to NgÃÂti Maniapoto whenua - the King Country.
Killing thousands and forcing their exile, the invasion of the Waikato was devastating for the Këngitanga. According to Vincent O'Malley, "it is clear that Waikato MÃÂori suffered horrendous losses... overall estimates for those killed and wounded during the Waikato War have ranged from about 500 to 2,000 casualties on the Këngitanga side". O'Malley has compared the losses for Waikato to the heavy casualties of New Zealand soldiers during the First World War, in which 5.8% of the national population of just over 1 million served, 1.7% of whom were killed. O'Malley says that although "this staggering level of carnage is rightly remembered today, [it] may have been eclipsed by the casualty rate suffered by Waikato MÃÂori in 1863 and 1864", in which he estimates 7.7 per cent of their total population fought and just under 4 per cent were killed. The conquered land was confiscated, altogether about a million acres (4,000 km<sup>2</sup>).
TÃÂwhiao and his people had moved southwards, into the territory of the NgÃÂti Maniapoto, the area of New Zealand that is still known as the King Country. He established Te Rohe PÃ Âtae, a secessionist independent state which he and other rangatira governed for 20 years. This name translates as "Area of the Hat", and is said to have originated when TÃÂwhiao put his white top hat on a large map of the North Island and declared that all land covered by the hat would be under his mana (or authority).
According to Massey University professor Michael Belgrave, the Rohe Pà Âtae also became "the refuge for MÃÂori who had taken up armed resistance to the Crown". A notable example of this was Te Kooti, who resided under the protection of TÃÂwhiao from 1872. According to Belgrave: "for years, [Tawhiao] sat audaciously beyond the legal authority of the Queen and the vengeance of those communities he had ravaged on the East Coast... the establishment of the Rohe Pà Âtae, in the aftermath of the war, created an independent constitutional entity with its own borders and its own centralised authority. Belgrave has compared the invasion of the Waikato to the American Civil War, as it led to the creation of an "independent breakaway state". According to Belgrave, "between the battle of à ÂrÃÂkau and the mid-1880s, the Rohe Pà Âtae remained an independent and unified state, but that unity was precarious", owing to the disunity between the iwi of Tainui and the increased resentment of monarchical rule.
For the next twenty years TÃÂwhiao lived an itinerant lifestyle, travelling among his people in Taranaki and Maniapoto settlements reminding them that war always had its price and the price was always higher than expected. He considered himself the anointed leader of a chosen people wandering in the wilderness. But he also predicted that the MÃÂori people would find justice and restitution for the wrongs they had suffered. He preached that Kingites should keep separate from PÃÂkehÃÂ. He was strongly against Maori children going to school to get an education. As a result, when the railway went through Kingite territory Kingites were only able to get unskilled jobs such as bush clearing. This strong anti education stance started a Kingite tradition that led to increasing isolation and lower standard of living than Maori experienced elsewhere in New Zealand. It was not until after the turn of the century that Kingites were finally persuaded to abandon their hatred of formal education in schools.
TÃÂwhiao was now leader of his own secessionist kingdom, but was utterly isolated. According to Belgrave "the Rohe Pà Âtae was an enclosed territory surrounded by land with a Crown title,". This stretched from the Aotea Harbour east to the boundary where the land confiscation in the Waikato had occurred, and then "along the boundaries of the Maungatautari and PÃÂtetere blocks, to the Waipapa stream then south to Taupà Â. After that the line crossed the middle of the lake and ran to the top of the Kaimanawa range, looped through the central plateau between Ruapehu and NgÃÂruahoe, and then crossed the Whanganui River at Kirikau and headed west until it joined the Taranaki confiscation block." To the west was KÃÂwhia, Te Rohe Pà Âtae's major port, and to the east were Te Arawa, who were loyal to the British crown. The kà «papa among their highest ranks had prevented reinforcements from allies on the East Cape coming to support TÃÂwhiao during the invasion of the Waikato. To the south was the Taranaki confiscation and a largely ambivalent assortment of MÃÂori living in Whanganui, who despite the great friendship TÃÂwhiao had professed as existing between the Waikato and Taranaki, were divided on supporting the king. The Rohe Pà Âtae, although an untouchable secessionist state, remained outflanked on all sides. The Këngitanga was soon facing threats from the renegade chiefs it was sheltering from the Crown, including Tëtokowaru and Te Kooti, who "directly threatened the KingâÂÂs authority to speak for dissident MÃÂori throughout the country".
In 1878, the New Zealand Government with George Grey as Premier approached TÃÂwhiao with the proposal that some of their Waikato land would be restored to them if they would accept the integration of the King Country with the rest of New Zealand. On the advice of his council TÃÂwhiao rejected the offer. However it was accepted three years later in a modified form.
The decline of the king's power was hastened by the lessening generosity of NgÃÂti Maniopoto in hosting the Këngitanga; the iwi were increasingly impatient for TÃÂwhiao to return to the Waikato homeland. After his symbolic declaration of peace in July 1881, Tawhiao began to lose his authority, and after 1882, the King "could no longer exercise a unifying role, and tribes were forced to find another constitutional basis for maintaining their independent authority". Although they would still have control over their whenua until at least 1886, Manipoto began to experience challenges in maintaining order and making decisions with TÃÂwhiao gone. According to Belgrave, despite the efforts of a willing NgÃÂti Maniapoto leadership, it became extremely difficult and at times impossible for them and other leaders, "to maintain a coherent constitutional entity within the aukati", Achieving a degree of consensus among NgÃÂti Maniapoto alone was apparently a "tortuous process", making it easier for Native Minister John Bruce to eye up the previously restricted territory.
In the early 1880s there had already been two failed petitions taken to the British government by Maori. By 1884, there were only 1,000 kingite supporters left, according to Claudia Orange. King TÃÂwhiao went around the North Island collecting money. This netted 3,000 pounds. He withdrew all the funds that had been deposited in the Kingitanga Bank by the many Maori land sellers, and travelled to London to see Queen Victoria with Western Maori MP Wiremu Te Wheoro to lead a deputation with a petition to the Crown to try to persuade her to honour the treaty between their peoples. TÃÂwhiao's petition was different from the previous failed ones. He asked for nothing less than the complete, separate, Maori self-government, drawing on Section 71 of the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852. Although TÃÂwhiao saw the queen as no more than "a remote and benign figure of little relevance" â as had been the Kingitanga's position since its establishment â he believed she could shepherd in respect for the Treaty of Waitangi.
The journey was aided by Governor George Grey, who met with TÃÂwhiao at a summit on Kawau Island beforehand. He convinced the king and his fellow rangatira Rewi Maniapoto and Te WhÃÂoro to sign a pledge to act with the âÂÂpropriety and dignity which became his positionâÂÂ. This was a veiled reference to TÃÂwhiao's alcoholism; Grey was "determined to limit the likelihood of a drunk monarch turning up at a royal garden party", according to The Spinoff. This was apparently successful, and during his stay TÃÂwhiao drank ginger ale instead.
Despite his best attempts at temperance, however, Victoria refused to grant him an audience. TÃÂwhiao did, however, wrangle a meeting with Lord Derby, Secretary of State for the Colonies, who said the question of MÃÂori self-determination was an issue for the New Zealand government to resolve internally. Returning to New Zealand, the premier, Robert Stout, insisted that all events happening prior to 1863 were the responsibility of the Imperial Government. The Maori bank depositors, finding their money gone, raided the bank, looking for their cash and finding none, burnt it down in 1884. Thoroughly disillusioned, TÃÂwhiao tried various initiatives to promote the independence and welfare of his people but he had been effectively marginalized. His problems were not solely due to the attitude of the New Zealand government. The King Movement had never represented all the MÃÂori people and as it lost its mana or standing they became even more disunited.
Undeterred, TÃÂwhiao resolved to establish a new bank, the Bank of Aotearoa (Te Peeke o Aotearoa), at Parawera in 1886. Quickly expanding to Maungatatauri and Maungakawa. Cheques were issued by customers, but the bank issued no banknotes nor minted coins. It provided banking and monetary services to MÃÂori (particularly those within the King Country). Sample banknotes bore the text "E whaimana ana tenei moni ki nga tangata katoa" (this money is valid for all people). Cheques issued on the Bank of Aotearoa let customers transfer large amounts of money without using cash.
On 11 July 1881, TÃÂwhiao, escorted by between five hundred and six hundred men, many of them armed, rode into Pirongia from the Tainui settlement at Hikurangi, modern-day Taumarunui. A pacifist, TÃÂwhiao had finally elected to sue for peace. Chiefs accompanying him included Wahanui and Manuhiri. It was Major William Mair, the Government Native Officer in the Upper Waikato, who was sent by Governor George Grey to meet Tawhiao, and there in the main street of the township the Maori King laid down his gun at Mair's feet. Scores of his men followed his example, until seventy-seven guns were lying on the road in front of the Government officer. According to James Cowan, Wahanui came forward and said: âÂÂDo you know what this means, Mair? This is the outcome of Tawhiao's word to you that there would be no more trouble. This means peace.â Mair replied that that was self-evident, and said "I call to mind the words that Tawhiao uttered at Tomotomo-waka (Te Kopua) that there would be no more fighting. This is the day that we all have been waiting for. We know now that there will be no more trouble.âÂÂ
In spite of this, the next decade would result in further impoverishment for Tainui, as the aukati was dissolved and their last stronghold was exposed to European settlers. The construction of the North Island Main Trunk Railway would spell the end of the Rohe PÃ Âtae as an independent state.
Back in New Zealand in 1886 and seeking MÃÂori solutions to MÃÂori problems through MÃÂori institutions, he petitioned Native Minister John Ballance for the establishment of a MÃÂori Council "for all the chiefs of this Island". When this proposal, too, was ignored, he set up a Këngitanga parliament at Maungakawa in 1892; initially called the Kauhanganui, it was later renamed Te Whakakitenga. Though all North Island iwi were invited to attend, participation was confined mainly to the Waikato, Maniapoto and Hauraki people who were already part of the King Movement. The assembly's discussions included proceedings in the national Parliament, interpretations of the Treaty of Waitangi, the confiscation issue and conditions for land sales, but its deliberations and recommendations were either ignored or derided by the Parliament and public servants. The establishment of TÃÂwhiao's Kauhanganui coincided with the formation of a MÃÂori Parliament at Waipatu Marae in Heretaunga. This parliament, which consisted of 96 members from the North and South Islands under Prime Minister HÃÂmiora MangakÃÂhia, was formed as part of the Kotahitanga (unification) Movement, which TÃÂwhiao refused to join.
During the remainder of his life TÃÂwhiao was respected and treated as royalty by many New Zealanders, both MÃÂori (Këngitanga-affiliated or not) and PÃÂkehÃÂ. But he was allowed almost no influence over political events, as he had no legal authority within English law, which had displaced tikanga.
TÃÂwhiao died suddenly on 26 August 1894, aged 71 or 72. As is Tainui custom, he was buried at Mount Taupiri in an unmarked grave, as a sign of equality among his people. His tangihanga was held in September and was attended by thousands. He was succeeded as king by his son Mahuta TÃÂwhiao, who won the election to replace him.
Encouraged by his veteran father's encouragement to become a man of peace, TÃÂwhiao was a deeply spiritual man throughout his life. The King was both a Christian and a follower of indigenous MÃÂori religion, and although not a tohunga himself he was well versed in the ancient rites of the Tainui priesthood. In later years TÃÂwhiao's sayings were considered prophecies for the future, and passed down as taonga tuku iho. TÃÂwhiao's fundamentally pacifist nature led him to formally denounce conflict between MÃÂori and PÃÂkehÃÂ, and campaign for peaceful coexistence and MÃÂori autonomy under Section 71 of the New Zealand Constitution Act. TÃÂwhiao was quoted by his descendant Robert Mahuta as having said: "Beware of being enticed to take up the sword. The result of war is that things become like decaying, old dried flax leaves. Let the person who raises war beware, for he must pay the price."
After his baptism into the faith by the prophet Te Ua Haumene in à Âpunake in 1863, TÃÂwhiao's connection to the Pai MÃÂrire religion grew stronger. The two men helped established the faith that was initially called Hauhau, or Hauhauism especially by its detractors; the name "Pai MÃÂrire" itself (good and gentle) was taken from a Waikato ritual chant. TÃÂwhiao also highly valued the relationship between Waikato and Taranaki. During a visit to Taranaki about 1864, TÃÂwhiao was famously quoted as saying: "You, Taranaki, have one handle of the kit, and I, Waikato, have the other. A child will come some day and gather together its contents".
In 1875, he issued a whakapuakitanga declaring his own version of the faith, which was called Tariao (morning star) â as the official faith of the King movement. TÃÂwhiao's granddaughter, Te Puea, ensured the continuance of Pai MÃÂrire into modern times, recalling the story of how, just before his death, TÃÂwhiao told his people, 'I shall return this gift to the base of the mountains, leaving it there to lie. When you are heavily burdened, then fetch it to you.'
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) was active in New Zealand from 1867. In the 1880s, a Wairarapa newspaper quoted TÃÂwhiao as claiming a belief in Mormonism: "I was some time ago converted to a belief in the Mormon faith, and I now altogether hold to it. My people in the North are believers also in Mormonism, and it is my wish that all the Maori should be of that faith."
Although the LDS Church has no record of TÃÂwhiao being baptized, other MÃÂori joined the church based on a prophecy they claimed TÃÂwhiao made in the 1860sâÂÂthat messengers of God would come from over the Sea of Kiwa (the Pacific Ocean), travelling in pairs and teaching the MÃÂori people in their own language. When some who heard TÃÂwhiao's prophecy observed pairs of Mormon missionaries from the United States teaching in MÃÂori language, they immediately accepted Mormonism.
It was also claimed by some MÃÂori converts that TÃÂwhiao accurately predicted the site of the LDS Church's Hamilton New Zealand Temple, which was built in 1958.
There is little direct contemporary evidence of TÃÂwhiao being a convert to Mormonism. The widely published accounts of his tangihanga make no mention of Mormonism but speak instead of native priests. or tohunga. What is beyond doubt, however, is that he and other MÃÂori leaders of the time did meet with Mormon missionaries.
TÃÂwhiao had nine children with his three wives and other women. His main wife was Hera NgÃÂpora, daughter of his advisor TÃÂmati NgÃÂpora and his cousin. Their children were:
His second wife was called Rangiaho Taimana, and they had two children:
His third wife was Aotea Te Paratene, also a cousin. They had only one daughter:
He had a lover, Hinepau Tamamotu, daughter of a Maori Leader. They had two daughters: