Tagalog grammar (Tagalog: BalarilÃÂ ng Tagalog) are the rules that describe the structure of expressions in the Tagalog language, one of the languages in the Philippines.
In Tagalog, traditional grammar recognizes nine parts of speech: nouns (pangngalan), pronouns (panghalÃÂp), verbs (pandiwà), adverbs (pang-abay), adjectives (pang-urì), prepositions (pang-ukol), conjunctions (pangatnÃÂg), ligatures (pang-angkóp) and particles (pantukoy).
The grammar of Tagalog is agglutinative, predicate-initial, and organized around the Austronesian alignment system, in which intricate verbal morphology indicates which semantic role is associated with the topic ("ang"-marked) argument.
Tagalog verbs combine a wide array of prefixes, infixes, suffixes, circumfixes, and clitic particles to express voice/"trigger", aspect, mood, and valency changes, resulting in morphologically complex predicate structures.
Tagalog noun morphology is relatively simple compared to its verbal system, though nouns are also productively derived from a range of affixes. Grammatical roles are expressed not by case endings but by a three-way article system (ang, ng, sa) placed directly before the noun clause, distinguishing topic, non-topic, and oblique arguments. Pronouns reflect distinctions in person, number, clusivity, and case.
Word order is typically verb-initial, though SVO may be used in formal contexts. Because the voice/trigger system and article markers indicate grammatical roles, arguments can be freely rearranged to shift focus or emphasize different participants without changing the core meaning.
A defining feature of the language is its productive reduplication system, which includes partial and full reduplication. These patterns perform both grammatical and derivational functions, marking imperfective aspect, intensity, plurality, distributive or repeated action, among other functions.
Another important feature is phonemic stress, wherein the placement of stress is lexcially contrastive: identical sequence of sounds can represent distinct words depending on stress and the presence or absence of a glottal stop (e.g., basa âÂÂto readâ vs. basâ âÂÂwetâÂÂ). Stress interacts with affixation and reduplication in systematic but sometimes nontransparent ways.
Reduplication in Tagalog is a complex yet productive process. It may be classified based on the phonological shape of the (whether partial or full reduplication), degree of morphological productivity, and associated semantic functions.
Productive reduplication is a regular morphological process that applies to a wide range of lexical items, expresses a predictable derivational meaning, and systematically interacts with grammatical categories such as verbal aspect, plurality, intensity, and distributivity. Because of its clear grammatical function, it is considered the âÂÂsignificantâ type of reduplication in Tagalog. This process is synchronically analyzable by speakers and can be freely applied to new or foreign words. Examples:
Lexicalized reduplicative roots are words that appear reduplicated but are not synchronically analyzable as products of a productive reduplication process. As such, this may also be known as "non-productive" or "non-significant" reduplication. Although many such words may have originated historically through reduplication, modern speakers do not derive them from an independent word base. Examples include:
Most reduplicated-looking nouns and ideophones fall into this category.
Partial reduplication involves the repetition of a syllabic portion of the root or affixed stem. The various types of partial reduplication are as follows:
Full reduplication consists of repeating the entire word base or monosyllabic sequence of sounds. Examples include:
Tagalog verbs are complex and are changed by taking on many affixes reflecting voice/trigger, aspect and mood. Below is a chart of the main verbal affixes, which consist of a variety of prefixes, suffixes, infixes, and circumfixes.
Conventions used in the chart:
With object-focus verbs in the completed and progressive aspects, the infix -in- frequently becomes the prefix ni- if the root word begins with , , , or ; e.g., linalapitan or nilalapitan and inilagáy or ilinagáy.
When suffixing -in and -an to a word that ends in a vowel, an epenthetic h is inserted. This helps to distinguish them from words that have a glottal stop, which is usually not written except when diacritical marks are applied, such that "basa" (to read) becomes "basahin" while "basa" (to be wet, otherwise spelt as "basâ") becomes "basaÃÂn" pronounced with a glottal stop.
The imperative affixes are not often used in Manila, but they do exist in other Tagalog speaking provinces.
In old Tagalog, the complete and progressive aspects of actor trigger I was marked with the affix "-ungm-" or "-ingm-', while "-<u>um</u>-" was used solely as the infinitive form. The rule is that when a verb has an "i" in its initial syllable, the infix used is "-ingm-" like "tingmingin" (looked, complete aspect) and "tingmitingin" (is looking, progressive aspect), otherwise "-ungm-" is used. This is a case called vowel harmony.
Another archaic feature is when a verb starts in a "b" or "p", which becomes an "n" for the complete and progressive aspects, and "m" for contemplative and infinitive. The word "pasok" (to enter) therefore becomes "nasok" (complete), "nanasok" (progressive), "mamasok" (contemplative), and "masok" (infinitive). Though these have been lost in the Manila dialect, they are preserved in some Tagalog dialects. The allophones "d" and "r" are still somewhat preserved when it comes to verbs like "dating (to arrive)" but it is sometimes ignored.
The central feature of verbs in Tagalog and other Philippine languages is the trigger system, often called voice or focus. In this system, the thematic relation (agent, patient, or other oblique relationslocation, direction, etc.) of the noun marked by the direct-case particle is encoded in the verb.
The actor trigger marks the direct noun as the <u>agent</u> (doer) of the action:
The object trigger marks the direct noun as the <u>patient</u> (receiver) of the action:
The locative trigger marks the direct noun as the <u>location</u> or direction of an action or the area affected by the action.
The benefactive trigger marks the direct noun as the person or thing that benefits from the action; i.e., the <u>beneficiary</u> of an action.
The instrumental trigger marks the direct noun as the <u>means</u> by which the action is performed.
The reason trigger marks the direct noun as the <u>cause</u> or reason why an action is performed. It is mostly used exclusively with verbs of emotion.
Also known as the agent trigger, agent focus, actor focus, or by the abbreviations AT or AF. This verb form triggers a reading of the direct noun (marked by "ang") as the agent of the clause. The main affixes/forms under this trigger are -um-, mag-, ma-, and mang-; while their derivatives (e.g., maka-, ma- -an, magsi-, etc.) may also function as actor focus.
Some verb roots only take one of the main affixes to form the actor trigger of that verb, such as "tingÃÂn" (to look) which only uses the -um- conjugation as its actor trigger form. Other root words may take two or more, such as "sulat" (to write) which could take mag- and -um- conjugations. In such instances, the different verb forms may have the same exact meaning, or they may have some slight nuances. In the case of "sulat", "magsulat" is closer to the meaning of physically writing a letter, while "sumulat" is closer to the meaning of sending a letter out. "sayáw" (to dance), on the other hand, has "sumayáw" and "magsayáw" which mean the same thing. Furthermore, there are a few root verbs that derive opposite meanings through these affixes, such as in the case of "bilÃÂ" (to buy), where "bumilÃÂ" means to buy and "magbilÃÂ" is to sell.
The difference between these four actor trigger forms are complicated and there seems to be no consistent rule dictating when one form should be used over another. That said, memorizing what affixes a verb root uses and its corresponding meaning is essential in learning Tagalog.
Otherwise known as the patient trigger, patient focus, object focus, or by its initials OT, OF, PT, or PF. This verb form triggers a reading of the direct noun (marked by "ang") as the patient of the clause. There are three main affixes/forms used in this trigger, -in-, i-, and -an:
Affixes can also be used in nouns or adjectives: baligtarán (from baligtád, to reverse) (reversible), katamarán (from tamád, lazy) (laziness), kasabihán (from sabi, to say) (proverb), kasagutan (from sagót, answer), bayarÃÂn (from bayad, to pay) (payment), bukirÃÂn (from bukid, farm), lupaÃÂn (from lupà, land), pagkakaroón (from doón/roón, there) (having/appearance), and pagdárasál (from dasál, prayer). Verbs with affixes (mostly suffixes) are also used as nouns, which are differentiated by stress position. Examples are panoórin (to watch or view) and panoorÃÂn (materials to be watched or viewed), hangarÃÂn (to wish) and hangárin (goal/objective), arálin (to study) and aralÃÂn (studies), and bayáran (to pay) and bayarán (someone or something for hire).
The aspect of the verb indicates the progressiveness of the verb. It specifies whether the action happened, is happening, or will happen. Tagalog verbs are conjugated for time using aspect rather than tense, which can be easily expressed with phrases and time prepositions.
This serves as the base form of the verb, and is not marked by aspect. It is typically used in modal and subjunctive constructions. It is also used in standard Tagalog as the basis for the imperative form of the verb, by adding a second-person pronoun, such as ka/mo (you) and kayó/ninyó (you all), directly after it.
This is formed by affixing a verbal trigger suffix to the root word.
Examples of infinitive use in modal sentences:
Also known as the complete or completed aspect. This implies that the action was done in the past, prior to the time of speaking or some other specified time. This aspect is characterized by:
In the complete aspect of the object trigger -in, that suffix -in (or -hin) is removed. This is in contrast with other triggers where the trigger affix remains.
On its own, the perfective verb may not necessarily imply that the action is completed. Adding the particle na directly after it strengthens the notion that it is in fact completed. Compare this with the difference between English simple past and past perfect tenses.
Also known as the progressive or uncompleted aspect. This implies that the action has started, is ongoing, and not yet completed. It is also used with habitual actions, or actions that signify general facts. This aspect is characterized by the reduplication of the first syllable of the root word, followed by application of the same morphological rules as seen with the complete aspect. If the base form of the verb has its stress on the last syllable, a secondary stress usually falls on the reduplicated syllable.
This implies that the action has not yet started but anticipated. This aspect is characterized solely by the reduplication of the first syllable of the root word.
In the contemplative aspect of the actor trigger -um-, that infix -um- is removed.
This implies that the action has just been completed before the time of speaking or before a specified time. This aspect is unique in that it does not use the direct case marker ang to mark a focused argument. All nouns bound to a verb in this aspect are only marked by the indirect and oblique markers.
It is often taught that to form this aspect, the first syllable of the word should be reduplicated followed by adding the prefix ka-. In colloquial speech however, the prefix kaka- is used instead without any reduplication. A verb in this aspect is always followed by the particle lang.
Tagalog verbs also have affixes expressing grammatical mood; some examples are indicative, potential, social, causative and distributed.
<u>Indicative</u><br /> Nagdalá siyá ng liham.<br /> "(S)he brought a letter."
Bumilàkamàng bigás sa palengke.<br /> "We bought rice in the market."
Kumain akó.<br /> "I ate."
Hindî siyá nagsásalitâ ng Tagalog.<br /> "(S)he does not speak Tagalog."
<u>Causative</u> magpa-<br /> Nagpadalá siyá ng liham sa kaniyáng iná.<br /> "He sent (literally: caused to be brought) a letter to his mother."
<u>Distributive</u> maN-<br /> NamilÃÂ kamÃÂ sa palengke.<br /> "We went shopping in the market."
<u>Social</u> maki-<br /> Nakikain akó sa mga kaibigan ko.<br /> "I ate with my friends."
<u>Potential</u> maka-/makapag-<br /> Hindî siyá nakapagsásalitâ ng Tagalog.<br /> "(S)he was not able to speak Tagalog."
While Tagalog nouns are not inflected, they are usually preceded by case-marking particles. These follow an Austronesian alignment, also known as a trigger system, which is a distinct feature of Austronesian languages. There are three basic cases: direct (ang/si); indirect (ng/ni); and oblique (sa/kay).
The direct case marks the noun which has a special relation to the verb in the clause. Here, it is the verb's trigger that determines what semantic role (agent, patient, etc.) the noun is in. The indirect case marks the agent or patient, or both, that isn't marked with the direct case in the clause. The oblique case marks the location, beneficiary, instrument, and any other oblique argument that isn't marked with the direct case.
In clauses using the actor trigger, the direct case would mark the agent of the verb (corresponding to the subject in the English active voice), the indirect would mark the patient (direct object), while any other argument would be marked by the oblique case. In the object trigger, the reverse occurs, wherein the direct would mark the patient and the indirect marking the agent. When other verb triggers are used (i.e., locative, beneficiary, instrumental, causal triggers), both agent and patient would be marked by the indirect case, the focused oblique argument marked with the direct case, and any other argument by the oblique case.
One of the functions of trigger in Tagalog is to code definiteness, analogous to the use of definite and indefinite articles (i.e., the & a) in English. That said, an argument marked with the direct case is always definite. Whereas, when a patient argument is marked with the <u>in</u>direct case, it is generally indefinite, but an agent argument marked with the same <u>in</u>direct case would be understood as definite. To make it indefinite, the numeral isá (one) is used.
The indirect particle is also used as a genitive marker. It is for this reason that Tagalog lean more towards a VOS word order, as an indirect (ng/ni) argument directly following a direct (ang/si) argument might be misinterpreted as a possessive construction. For instance with the sentence above, kumain ang pusàng isdâ may be read as "the cat of the fish ate".
The oblique particle and the locative derived from it are similar to prepositions in English, marking things such as location and direction.
The case particles fall into two classes: one used with names of people (proper) and one for everything else (common).
The common indirect marker is spelled ng and pronounced . Mgá, pronounced , marks the common plural.
Tagalog has associative plural in addition to additive plural.
Note that in Tagalog, even proper nouns require a case marker.
Like nouns, personal pronouns are categorized by case. As above, the indirect forms also function as the genitive.
Pronoun sequences are (), , , and .
Examples:<br /> <br /> "I wrote."
<br /> "He/She/They wrote me a letter."<br /> <small>Note: If "" is removed from the sentence, it becomes "I was written on"</small>
<br /> "I will give this to him/her/them."
Genitive pronouns follow the word they modify. Oblique pronouns can take the place of the genitive pronoun but they precede the word they modify.
<br /> <br /> "My house."
The inclusive dual pronoun has largely disappeared from the Manila Dialect. It survives in other Tagalog dialects, particularly those spoken in the rural areas. However is used to replace the pronoun sequence [verb] , (I [verb] you).
The 1stâÂÂ2nd dual pronoun "" referring to "you and I" is traditionally used as follows:
(Manila Dialect: )<br /> "You and I are friends." (Manila Dialect: "We are friends.")
Examples:
(We are lovers.)
(Our house is fixed.)
(The destinations are beautiful at ours.)
As previously mentioned, the pronoun sequence [verb] , (I [verb] you) may be replaced by .
<br /> "I love you."
<br /> "I will give you money."
<br /> "I saw you at the store yesterday."
<br /> "You are my friend."
The inclusive pronoun refers to the first and second persons. It may also refer to a third person(s).
The exclusive pronoun refers to the first and third persons but excludes the second.
<br /> "We (you and me) have no rice."
<br /> "We (someone else and me, but not you) have no rice."
The second person singular has two forms. is the non-enclitic form while is the enclitic which never begins a sentence. The plural form is also used politely in the singular, similar to French .
Native nouns are genderless, hence means he, she, or they (singular).
Tagalog, like many languages, marks the TâÂÂV distinction: when addressing a single person in polite/formal/respectful settings, pronouns from either the 2nd person plural or the 3rd person plural group are used instead of the singular 2nd person pronoun. They can be used with, or in lieu of, the iterations without losing any degree of politeness, formality, or respect:
Example:<br /> English: "What's your name?"<br /> Casual: <br /> Respectful: or ?
Using such pluralized pronouns is quite sufficient for expressing politeness, formality or respect, particularly when an affirmative (or negative) iteration isn't necessary.
Additionally, the formal second-person pronouns (), , , and , third-person forms and , and their oblique forms , , and are, by custom, reverentially capitalized in religious contexts. Purists who frame this capitalization as nonstandard and inconsistent do not apply it in written form.
Tagalog's demonstrative pronouns are as follows.
Notes:
- Although dine and dito both mean here, its difference is the first one pertains to the speaker only while the second one includes the listener. Lost in Standard Filipino/Tagalog (Manila dialect: dito) but still survive in province dialects like Batangas. The same goes for direct, indirect, oblique, locative, existential, and manner (nearest to speaker).
- Yaón is an old-fashioned word which means that.The modern word is iyón.
- The oblique are verbs and locative are pseudo-verbs; for instance, dumito, dumidito, and didito for oblique; and narito, naririto, and nandito for oblique. However, some are archaic and some are old-fashioned.
- Words like pariné, paritó, pariyón, and paroón are combined with pa+(oblique word). These were old-fashioned and/or archaic but still survive in dialects.
- The contractions are: 're, 'to, 'yan, 'yun, n'yan, gan'to, gan'yan, gan're, gano'n (gayon)
<nowiki>*</nowiki>Many Tagalog speakers may use itó in place of iré/aré.
Examples:
Anó itó?<br /> "What's this?"
Sino ang lalaking iyón?<br /> "Who is that man?"
Gáling kay Pedro ang liham na itó.<br /> "This letter is from Pedro."
Nandito akó.<br /> "I am here."
Kakain silá roón.<br /> "They will eat there."
Saán ka man naróroon.<br /> "Wherever you are."
Kumain niyán ang batà.<br /> "The child ate some of that."
Ayón palá ang salamÃÂn mo!<br /> "So that's where your glasses are!"
Heto isáng regalo para sa iyó.<br /> "Here's a gift for you."
Just like English adjectives, Tagalog adjectives modify a noun or a pronoun.
These consist of only the root word.
Examples: hinóg (ripe), sabog (exploded), ganda (beautiful)
These consist of the root word and one or more affixes.
Examples: tinanóng (questioned), kumakain (eating), nagmámahál (loving)
These are formed by the repetition of the whole or part of the root word.
Examples: puláng-pulá (really red), putÃÂng-putî (really white), araw-araw (every day), gabÃÂ-gabà(every night)
These are compound words.
Examples: ngiting-aso (literally: "dog smile", meaning: "big smile"), balát-sibuyas (literally: "onion-skinned", meaning: "crybaby")
This states the size, color, form, smell, sound, texture, taste, and shape.
Examples: muntî (little), biluhabà(oval), matamis (sweet), malubhâ (serious)
This states a specific noun. This consists of a common noun and a proper noun. The proper noun (that starts with a capital letter) is modifying the type of common noun.
Examples: wikang Ingles (English language), kulturang Espanyol (Spanish culture), pagkaing Iloko (Ilokano food)
This states the number, how many, or a position in order. This has multiple types.
Just like English adjectives, Tagalog adjectives have 3 degrees of comparison.
This only compares one noun/pronoun.
Example: maliÃÂt (small), kupas (peeled), matabâ (fat)
This is used when 2 nouns/pronouns are being compared. This has multiple types.
This is the highest degree of comparison. This can be positive or negative. The prefix "pinaká" and the words "sobra", "ubod", "tunay", "talaga", "saksakan", and "hari ng ___" are used, as well as the repetition of the adjective.
These degrees have no comparison.
This is when the simple/plain form of the adjective is being used for description.
Examples: matalino (smart), palatawá (risible)
This is when the adjective is accompanied by the words "medyo", "nang kauntî", "nang bahagyâ" or the repetition of the root word or the first two syllables of the root word.
Examples: medyo matabâ (somewhat fat), malakás nang bahagyâ (slightly strong), malakás-lakás (somewhat strong), matabáng nang kauntî (a little bit insipid)
This is when the adjective is accompanied by the words "napaka", "ubod ng", "saksakan ng", "talagáng", "sobrang", "masyadong" or the repetition of the whole adjective. The description in this degree is intense.
Examples: napakalakas (so strong), ubod ng baÃÂt (really kind), talagáng mabangó (truly fragrant), sobrang makinis (oversmooth)
There are rules that are followed when forming adjectives that use the prefix "ma-".
When the adjective is describing only one noun/pronoun, "ma-" and the root word is used.
Examples: <u>ma</u>sayá (happy), <u>ma</u>lungkót (sad)
When the adjective is describing two or more noun/pronoun, "ma-" is used and the first syllable or first two letters of the root word is repeated.
Examples: <u>ma</u><u>li</u>liÃÂt (small), <u>ma</u><u>ga</u>gandá (beautiful)
The word "mgá" is not needed if the noun/pronoun is right next to the adjective.
Example: Ang <u>magaga</u>ndáng damÃÂt ay kasya kiná Erica at Bel. (The beautiful clothes can fit to Erica and Bel.)
The ligature (pang-angkóp) connects, or links, modifiers (like adjectives and adverbs) to the words that they are modifying. It has two allomorphs:
This is used if the preceding word ends with a consonant other than n. It is not combined with the preceding word but separated, appearing between the modifier and the word it modifies.
Example: ("loving person")
This suffixed allomorph is used if the preceding word ends with a vowel or n; in the latter case, the final n is lost and replaced by the suffix:
Examples: ("good creation of God"); () ("ideal citizen")
Tagalog uses numerous conjunctions, and may belong to one of these possible functions:
Modifiers alter, qualify, clarify, or limit other elements in a sentence structure. They are optional grammatical elements but they change the meaning of the element they are modifying in particular ways. Examples of modifiers are adjectives (modifies nouns), adjectival clauses, adverbs (modifies verbs), and adverbial clauses. Nouns can also modify other nouns. In Tagalog, word categories are fluid: A word can sometimes be an adverb or an adjective depending on the word it modifies. If the word being modified is a noun, then the modifier is an adjective, if the word being modified is a verb, then it is an adverb. For example, the word <nowiki/>'mabilÃÂs'<nowiki/> means 'fast' in English. The Tagalog word <nowiki/>'mabilÃÂs'<nowiki/> can be used to describe nouns like <nowiki/>'kuneho'<nowiki/> ('rabbit') in <nowiki/>'kunehong mabilÃÂs'<nowiki/> ('quick rabbit'). In that phrase, <nowiki/>'mabilÃÂs was used as an adjective. The same word can be used to describe verbs, one can say 'tumakbo nang mabilÃÂs' which means 'quickly ran'. In that phrase, 'mabilis' was used as an adverb. The Tagalog word for 'rabbit' is 'kuneho' and 'ran' is 'tumakbo' but they showed up in the phrases as 'kuneho-ng' and 'tumakbó nang'. Tagalog uses something called a "linker" that always surfaces in the context of modification. Modification only occurs when a linker is present. Tagalog has the linkers -ng and na. In the examples mentioned, the linker -<nowiki/>ng was used because the word before the linker ends in a vowel. The second linker, na is used everywhere else (the na used in modification is not the same as the adverb na which means 'now' or 'already'). Seeing the enclitics -ng and na are good indications that there is modification in the clause. These linkers can appear before or after the modifier.
The following table summarizes the distribution of the linker:
The following tables show a possible word order of a noun phrase containing a modifier. Since word order is flexible in Tagalog, there are other possible ways in which one could say these phrases. To read more on Tagalog word order, head to the Word Order section.
Tagalog has enclitic particles that have important information conveying different nuances in meaning. Below is a list of Tagalog's enclitic particles.
The order listed above is the order in which the particles follow if they are used in conjunction with each other. A more concise list of the orders of monosyllabic particles from Rubino (2002) is given below.
The particles and cannot be used in conjunction with each other as well as and .
Note for "/ and /": If the preceding letter is a consonant except y and w, the letter d is used in any word, vice versa for r e.g., , instead of
Although in everyday speech, this rule is often ignored.
The words and , which mean âÂÂhe saidâÂÂ/âÂÂshe saidâÂÂ/âÂÂthey saidâÂÂ, are sometimes joined to the real translations of âÂÂhe saidâÂÂ/âÂÂshe saidâÂÂ, which is , and âÂÂthey saidâÂÂ, which is . They are also joined to the Tagalog of âÂÂyou saidâÂÂ, which is . But this time, both and mean âÂÂsupposedly/reportedlyâÂÂ.
Although the word is a native Tagalog word for âÂÂbecauseâ and not slang, it is still not used in formal writing. The Tagalog word for this is or . Thus, the formal form of is or . This is sometimes shortened to or , so is also written as or . In both formal and everyday writing and speech, (the oblique form of ; thus, its exact translation is âÂÂbecause ofâÂÂ) is also synonymous to (), so the substitute of for is . Most of the time in speech and writing (mostly every day and sometimes formal), as the Tagalog of âÂÂbecauseâ is reduced to , so is spoken simply as .
Tagalog has a flexible word order compared to English. While the verb always remains in the initial position, the order of noun phrase complements that follows is flexible. An example provided by Schacter and Otanes can be seen in (1).
The flexibility of Tagalog word order can be seen in (2). There are six different ways of saying 'The man gave the woman a book.' in Tagalog. The following five sentences, along with the sentence from (1), include the same grammatical components and are all grammatical and identical in meaning but have different orders.
The principles in (3) help to determine the ordering of possible noun phrase complements. In a basic clause where the patient takes the nominative case, principles (i) and (ii) requires the actor to precede the patient. In example (4a), the patient, <nowiki/>'liham (letter) takes the nominative case and satisfies principles (i) and (ii). The example in (4b) shows that the opposite ordering of the agent and patient does not result in an ungrammatical sentence but rather an unnatural one in Tagalog.
In example (5), the verb, <nowiki/>'binihag', (captivated) is marked for active voice and results in the actor ('<nowiki/>Kuya Louis'<nowiki/>) to take the nominative case. Example (5) doesn't satisfy principles (i) and (ii). That is, principle (i) requires the Actor ('<nowiki/>Kuya Louis'<nowiki/>) to precede all other arguments. However, since the Actor also takes the nominative case, principle (ii) requires the phrase '<nowiki/>Kuya Louis to come last. The preferred order of agent and patient in Tagalog active clauses is still being debated. Therefore, we can assume that there are two "unmarked" word orders: VSO or VOS.
A change in word order and trigger generally corresponds to a change in definiteness ("the" vs "a") in English. Example (6) shows a change in word order, triggered by the indirect, "ng." Example (7) shows a change in word order, triggered by the direct, "ang."
<section begin="list-of-glossing-abbreviations"/><div style="display:none;"> DIR:direct INDIR:indirect </div><section end="list-of-glossing-abbreviations"/>
Word order may be inverted (referred to in Tagalog grammar as Kabalikáng Anyô) by way of the inversion marker '<nowiki/>ay ' ( âÂÂy after vowels in informal speech, not usually used in writing). Contrary to popular belief, this is not the copula 'to be' as '<nowiki/>ay'<nowiki/> does not behave as an existential marker in an SVO structure and an inverted form VSO does not require <nowiki/>'ay since the existentiality is denoted by case marking. A slight, but optional, pause in speech or a comma in writing may replace the inversion marker. This construction is often viewed by native speakers as formal or literary.
In this construction (ay-inversion), the <nowiki/>'ay appears between the fronted constituent and the remainder of the clause. The fronted constituent in the construction includes locations and adverbs. Example (8)- (11) shows the inverted form of the sentences in the previous examples above.
In (8) and (11), the fronted constituent is the subject. On the other hand, in (9), the fronted constituent is the object. Another example of a fronted constituent in Tagalog is, wh-phrases. Wh-phrases include interrogative questions that begin with: who, what, where, when, why, and how. In Tagalog, wh-phrases occur to the left of the clause. For example, in the sentence, 'Who are you?'<nowiki/>, which translates to, '<nowiki/>Sino ka? occurs to the left of the clause. The syntactic tree of this sentence is found in (12a). As we can see in (12a), the complementizer position is null. However, in the case where an overt complementizer is present, Sabbagh (2014) proposes that the wh-phrase lowers from Spec, CP, and adjoins to TP when C is overt (12b). The operation in (12b) is known as, WhP lowering.
This operation of lowering can also be applied in sentences to account for the verb-initial word order in Tagalog. The subject-lowering analysis states that "the subject lowers from Spec, TP and adjoins to a projection dominated by TP.". If we use the example from (2), Nagbigáy ang lalaki ng libró sa babae. and applied subject lowering, we would see the syntax tree in (13a).If we lowered the subject, ang lalaki, to an intermediate position within VP, we would be able to achieve a VOS word order and still satisfy subject lowering. This can be seen in (13b).
Lowering is motivated by a prosodic constraint called, WeakStart. This constraint is largely based on the phonological hierarchy. This constraint requires the first phonological element within a phonological domain to be lower on the prosodic hierarchy than elements that follow it, within the same domain.
There are three negation words: hindî, walâ, and huwág.
Hindî negates verbs and equations. It is sometimes contracted to âÂÂdî.
Walâ is the opposite of may and mayroón ("there is").
Huwág is used in expressing negative commands. It can be used for the infinitive and the future aspect. It is contracted as âÂÂwag.
There are two (or more) special negative forms for common verbs:
Tagalog's interrogative words are: alÃÂn, anó, bákit, gaáno, gaálin, makáilan, ilán, kailán, kanÃÂno, kumustá, magkáno, nakanÃÂno, nasaán, nÃÂno, paáno, pasaán, saán, tagasaán, and sÃÂno. With the exceptions of bakit, kamustá(maáno), and nasaán, all of the interrogative words have optional plural forms which are formed by reduplication. They are used when the person who is asking the question anticipates a plural answer and can be called wh-phrases. The syntactic position of these types of phrases can be seen in (12a).
Gaano (from ga- + anó) means how but is used in inquiring about the quality of an adjective or an adverb. The root word of the modifier is prefixed with ga- in this construction (16a).Ilán means how many (16b). Kumustá is used to inquire how something is (are).(16c) It is frequently used as a greeting meaning How are you? It is derived from the Spanish ÿcómo está?. Magkano (from mag- + gaano) means how much and is usually used in inquiring the price of something (16d). Paano (from pa- + anó) is used in asking how something is done or happened (16e).
Nino (from ni + anó) means who, whose, and whom (18a). It is the indirect and genitive form of sino. Sino (from si + anó) means who and whom and it is in the direct form (18b). Kanino (from kay + anó) means whom or whose (18c). It is the oblique form of sino (who).