MÃÂori are the indigenous Polynesian people of mainland New Zealand. The MÃÂori are descended from East Polynesian settlers who arrived in New Zealand in several waves of canoe voyages between roughly 1320 and 1350. Over several centuries in isolation, these settlers developed a distinct culture, whose language, mythology, crafts, and performing arts evolved independently from those of other eastern Polynesian cultures. Some early MÃÂori moved to the Chatham Islands, where their descendants became New Zealand's other indigenous Polynesian ethnic group, the Moriori.
Early contact between MÃÂori and Europeans, starting in the 18th century, ranged from beneficial trade to lethal violence; MÃÂori actively adopted many technologies from the newcomers. With the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840, the two cultures coexisted for a generation. Rising tensions over disputed land sales led to conflict in the 1860s, and subsequent land confiscations, which MÃÂori resisted fiercely. After the Treaty was declared a legal nullity in 1877, MÃÂori were forced to assimilate into many aspects of Western culture. Social upheaval and epidemics of introduced disease took a devastating toll on the MÃÂori population, which fell dramatically, but began to recover by the beginning of the 20th century. The March 2023 New Zealand census gives the number of people of MÃÂori descent as 978,246 (19.6% of the total population), up from 18.5% in 2018. Of those identifying as MÃÂori at the 2023 census, 366,015 people (41.2%) identified as of sole MÃÂori ethnicity while 409,401 people (46.1%) identified as of both European and MÃÂori ethnicity.
Efforts have been made, centring on the Treaty of Waitangi, to increase the standing of MÃÂori in wider New Zealand society and achieve social justice. Traditional MÃÂori culture has enjoyed a significant revival, which was further bolstered by a MÃÂori protest movement that emerged in the 1960s. However, disproportionate numbers of MÃÂori face significant economic and social obstacles, and generally have lower life expectancies and incomes than other New Zealand ethnic groups. They suffer higher levels of crime, health problems, imprisonment, poverty and educational under-achievement. A number of socio-economic initiatives have been instigated with the aim of "closing the gaps" between MÃÂori and other New Zealanders. Political and economic redress for historical grievances is also ongoing (see Treaty of Waitangi claims and settlements).
MÃÂori are the second-largest ethnic group in New Zealand, after European New Zealanders (commonly known by the MÃÂori name PÃÂkehÃÂ). In addition, more than 170,000 MÃÂori live in Australia. The MÃÂori language is spoken to some extent by about a fifth of all MÃÂori, representing three per cent of the total population. MÃÂori are active in all spheres of New Zealand culture and society, with independent representation in areas such as media, politics, and sport.
In the MÃÂori language, the word means 'normal', 'natural', or 'ordinary'. In legends and oral traditions, the word distinguished ordinary mortal human beingsâÂÂâÂÂfrom deities and spirits (). Likewise, denotes 'fresh water', as opposed to salt water. There are cognate words in most Polynesian languages, all deriving from Proto-Polynesian , which has the reconstructed meaning 'true, real, genuine'.
Early visitors from Europe to New Zealand generally referred to the indigenous inhabitants as "New Zealanders" or as "natives". The MÃÂori used the term to describe themselves in a pan-tribal sense. MÃÂori people often use the term (literal meaning, "people of the land") to identify in a way that expresses their relationship with a particular area of land; a tribe may be the in one area, but not in another. The term can also refer to the MÃÂori people as a whole in relation to New Zealand () as a whole.
The official definition of MÃÂori for electoral purposes has changed over time. Before 1974, the government required documented ancestry to determine the status of "a MÃÂori person" and only those with at least 50% MÃÂori ancestry were allowed to choose which seats they wished to vote in. The MÃÂori Affairs Amendment Act 1974 changed this, allowing individuals to self-identify as to their cultural identity. Until 1986, the census required at least 50 per cent MÃÂori ancestry to claim MÃÂori affiliation. Currently, in most contexts, authorities require some documentation of ancestry or continuing cultural connection (such as acceptance by others as being of the people); however, there is no minimum ancestry requirement.
No credible evidence exists of pre-MÃÂori settlement of New Zealand; on the other hand, compelling evidence from archaeology, linguistics, and physical anthropology indicates that the first settlers migrated from Polynesia and became the MÃÂori. Evidence indicates that their ancestry (as part of the larger group of Austronesian peoples) stretches back 5,000 years, to the indigenous peoples of Taiwan. Polynesian people settled a large area encompassing Tonga, Samoa, Tahiti, Hawaiûi, Easter Island () â and finally New Zealand.
The date of first arrival and settlement is a matter of debate. There may have been some exploration and settlement before the eruption of Mount Tarawera (), based on finds of bones from Polynesian rats and rat-gnawed shells, and evidence of widespread forest fires in the decade or so prior. One 2022 study using advanced radiocarbon technology suggests that "early MÃÂori settlement happened in the North Island between AD 1250 and AD 1275". However, a synthesis of archaeological and genetic evidence concludes that, whether or not some settlers arrived before the Tarawera eruption, the main settlement period was in the decades after it, somewhere between 1320 and 1350. This broadly aligns with analyses from MÃÂori oral traditions, which describe the arrival of ancestors in a number of large ocean-going canoes () as a planned mass migration .
There is definitive archaeological evidence of brief settlement as far south as Enderby Island, but there is no evidence of travel further south into Antarctic waters despite occasional speculation.
The earliest period of MÃÂori settlement, which has been called the "Colonisation phase", "East Polynesian" phase, the "Archaic" period, and the "Moahunter" period, dates from the time of arrival to . The early MÃÂori diet included an abundance of moa and other large birds and fur seals that had never been hunted before. This Archaic period is known for its distinctive "reel necklaces", and also remarkable for the lack of weapons and fortifications typical of the later "Classic" MÃÂori. The best-known and most extensively studied Archaic site, at Wairau Bar in the South Island, shows evidence of occupation from the early 13th century to the early 15th century. It is the only known New Zealand archaeological site containing the bones of people who were born elsewhere.
Factors that operated in the transition to the Classic period (the culture at the time of European contact) include a significantly cooler period from 1500, and the extinction of the moa and of other food species.
The Classic period is characterised by finely made (greenstone) weapons and ornaments, elaborately carved war canoes and (meeting houses). MÃÂori lived in autonomous settlements in extended hapà « groups descended from common iwi ancestors. The settlements had farmed areas and food sources for hunting, fishing and gathering. Fortified pàwere built at strategic locations due to occasional warfare over wrongdoings or resources; this practice varied over different locations throughout New Zealand, with more populations in the far north. There is a stereotype that MÃÂori were 'natural warriors'; however, warfare and associated practices like cannibalism were not a dominant part of MÃÂori culture.
Around the 15th century, a group of MÃÂori migrated east to the Chatham Islands and developed into a people known as the Moriori, with pacifism a key part of their culture.
The first European explorers of New Zealand were Abel Tasman, who arrived in 1642, Captain James Cook, in 1769, and Marion du Fresne in 1772. Initial contact between MÃÂori and Europeans proved problematic and sometimes fatal, with Tasman having four of his men killed and probably killing at least one MÃÂori, without ever landing. Cook's men shot at least eight MÃÂori within three days of his first landing, although he later had good relations with MÃÂori. Three years later, after a promising start, du Fresne and 26 men of his crew were killed. From the 1780s, MÃÂori also increasingly encountered European and American sealers, whalers and Christian missionaries. Relations were mostly peaceful, although marred by several further violent incidents, the worst of which was the Boyd massacre in 1807 and subsequent revenge attacks.
European settlement in New Zealand began in the early 19th century, leading to an extensive sharing of culture and ideas. Many MÃÂori valued Europeans, whom they called "", as a means to acquire Western knowledge and technology. MÃÂori quickly adopted writing as a means of sharing ideas, and many of their oral stories and poems were converted to the written form. The introduction of the potato revolutionised agriculture, and the acquisition of muskets by MÃÂori led to a period of particularly bloody intertribal warfare known as the Musket Wars, in which many groups were decimated and others driven from their traditional territory. The pacifist Moriori in the Chatham Islands similarly suffered massacre and subjugation in an invasion by some Taranaki . At the same time, the MÃÂori suffered high mortality rates from Eurasian infectious diseases, such as influenza, smallpox and measles, which killed an estimated 10 to 50 per cent of MÃÂori.
By 1839, estimates placed the number of Europeans living in New Zealand as high as 2,000, and the British Crown acceded to repeated requests from missionaries and some MÃÂori chiefs () to intervene. The British government sent Royal Navy Captain William Hobson to negotiate a treaty between the British Crown and the MÃÂori, which became known as the Treaty of Waitangi. In 1840, starting on 6 February at Waitangi and by the end of the year at about 50 other events around the country, this treaty was signed by the Crown and over 500 rangatira MÃÂori. The Treaty gave MÃÂori the rights of British subjects and guaranteed MÃÂori property rights and tribal autonomy, in return for accepting British sovereignty and the annexation of New Zealand as a colony in the British Empire. However, disputes continue over aspects of the Treaty of Waitangi, including wording differences in the two versions (in English and MÃÂori), as well as misunderstandings of different cultural concepts; notably, the MÃÂori version did not cede sovereignty to the British Crown. In an 1877 court case the Treaty was declared a "simple nullity" on the grounds that the signatories had been "primitive barbarians".
Nevertheless, relations between MÃÂori and PÃÂkehÃÂ (New Zealand Europeans) during the early colonial period were largely peaceful. Many MÃÂori groups set up substantial businesses, supplying food and other products for domestic and overseas markets. When violence did break out, as in the Wairau Affray, Flagstaff War, Hutt Valley Campaign and Wanganui Campaign, it was generally limited and concluded with a peace treaty. However, by the 1860s rising settler numbers and tensions over disputed land purchases led to the later New Zealand wars, fought by the colonial government against numerous MÃÂori using local and British Imperial troops, and some allied . These conflicts resulted in the colonial government confiscating tracts of MÃÂori land as punishment for what were called "rebellions". PÃÂkehÃÂ settlers would occupy the confiscated land. Several minor conflicts arose after the wars, including the incident at Parihaka in 1881 and the Dog Tax War from 1897 to 1898. The Native Land Court was established to transfer MÃÂori land from communal ownership into individual title as a means to assimilation and to facilitate greater sales to European settlers.
By the late 19th century, a widespread belief existed amongst both PÃÂkehÃÂ and MÃÂori that the MÃÂori population would cease to exist as a separate race or culture, and become assimilated into the European population. From the late 19th to the mid-20th century various laws, policies, and practices were instituted in New Zealand society with the effect of inducing MÃÂori to conform to PÃÂkehÃÂ norms; notable among these are the Tohunga Suppression Act 1907 and the suppression of the MÃÂori language by schools, often enforced with corporal punishment. In the 1896 census, New Zealand had a MÃÂori population of 42,113, by which time Europeans numbered more than 700,000.
The rapid decline did not continue and the MÃÂori population continued to recover in the 20th century. Influential MÃÂori politicians such as James Carroll, ÃÂpirana Ngata, Te Rangi Hëroa and MÃÂui Pà Âmare aimed to revitalise the MÃÂori people after the devastation of the previous century. They believed the future path called for a degree of assimilation, with MÃÂori adopting European practices such as Western medicine, while also retaining traditional cultural practices. MÃÂori also fought during both World Wars in specialised battalions (the MÃÂori Pioneer Battalion in WWI and the 28th (MÃÂori) Battalion in WWII). MÃÂori were also badly hit by the 1918 influenza epidemic, with death rates for MÃÂori being five to seven times higher than for PÃÂkehÃÂ.
Since the 1960s, MÃÂoridom has undergone a cultural revival concurrent with activism for social justice and a protest movement. (MÃÂori language pre-schools) were established in 1982 to promote MÃÂori language use and halt the decline in its use. Two MÃÂori language television channels broadcast content in the MÃÂori language, while words such as "" have entered widespread use in New Zealand English.
Government recognition of the growing political power of MÃÂori and political activism have led to limited redress for historic land confiscations. In 1975, the Crown set up the Waitangi Tribunal to investigate historical grievances, and since the 1990s the New Zealand government has negotiated and finalised treaty settlements with many across New Zealand. By June 2008, the government had provided over NZ$900 million in settlements, much of it in the form of land deals. There is a growing MÃÂori leadership who are using these settlements as an investment platform for economic development.
Despite a growing acceptance of MÃÂori culture in wider New Zealand society, treaty settlements have generated significant controversy. Some MÃÂori have argued that the settlements occur at a level of between one and two-and-a-half cents on the dollar of the value of the confiscated lands, and do not represent adequate redress. Conversely, some non-MÃÂori denounce the settlements and socioeconomic initiatives as amounting to race-based preferential treatment. Both of these sentiments were expressed during the New Zealand foreshore and seabed controversy in 2004.
The MÃÂori King movement, called the in MÃÂori, arose among some of the MÃÂori in the central North Island in the 1850s, to establish a role similar in status to that of the monarch of the British colonists, as a way of halting the alienation of MÃÂori land. The MÃÂori monarch operates in a non-constitutional capacity with no legal or judicial power within the New Zealand government. Reigning monarchs retain the position of paramount chief of several and wield some power over these, especially within Tainui.
The current MÃÂori monarch, Nga wai hono i te po, was elected in 2024. Her official residence is Tà «rongo House at Tà «rangawaewae marae in the town of NgÃÂruawÃÂhia. She is the eighth monarch since the position was created and is the continuation of a dynasty that reaches back to the inaugural king, Pà Âtatau Te Wherowhero.
The movement arose among a group of central North Island iwi in the 1850s as a means of attaining MÃÂori unity to halt the alienation of land at a time of rapid population growth by European colonists. The movement sought to establish a monarch who could claim status similar to that of Queen Victoria and thus allow MÃÂori to deal with (Europeans) on equal footing. It took on the appearance of an alternative government with its own flag, newspaper, bank, councillors, magistrates and law enforcement. But it was viewed by the colonial government as a challenge to the supremacy of the British monarchy, leading in turn to the 1863 invasion of Waikato, which was partly motivated by a drive to neutralise the Këngitanga's power and influence. Following their defeat at à ÂrÃÂkau in 1864, Këngitanga forces withdrew into the NgÃÂti Maniapoto tribal region of the North Island that became known as the King Country. The MÃÂori monarch's influence has not been as strong as it could be, partially due to the lack of affiliation to the Këngitanga of key iwi, most notably Tà «hoe, NgÃÂti Porou, and the largest iwi of all, NgÃÂpuhi.
Under the MÃÂori Affairs Amendment Act 1974, a MÃÂori is defined as "a person of the MÃÂori race of New Zealand; and includes any descendant of such a person". The MÃÂori population around the late 18th century was estimated by James Cook at 100,000. Historian Michael King suggests a slightly higher figure of 110,000 is more likely. Their numbers declined during the 19th century, to as low as 42,000; the decline has been attributed to the impact of European colonisation, including new diseases. Thereafter the population grew rapidly.
There were 887,493 people identifying as being part of the MÃÂori ethnic group at the 2023 New Zealand census, making up 17.8% of New Zealand's population. This is an increase of 111,657 people (14.4%) since the 2018 census, and an increase of 288,891 people (48.3%) since the 2013 census. The large increase between the 2013 and 2018 census was mainly due to Statistics New Zealand starting to add ethnicity data from other sources (previous censuses, administrative data, and imputation) to the census data to reduce the number of non-responses.
The median age of MÃÂori was 26.8 years, compared with 38.1 years for New Zealand as a whole. 262,422 people (29.6%) were aged under 15 years, 223,860 (25.2%) were 15 to 29, 336,486 (37.9%) were 30 to 64, and 64,725 (7.3%) were 65 or older.
In terms of population distribution, 753,384 (84.9%) MÃÂori lived in the North Island at the 2023 census and 133,656 (15.1%) lived in the South Island. Five districts had a majority MÃÂori population: Chatham Islands territory (68.6%), Wairoa district (68.5%), à Âpà Âtiki district (66.2%), Kawerau district (63.2%) and Gisborne district (54.8%). The Upper Harbour local board area in Auckland has the lowest concentration of MÃÂori people at 6.1%, followed by the Devonport-Takapuna local board area (6.2%) and the Howick local board area (6.3%), The Queenstown-Lakes District had the lowest concentration of MÃÂori outside Auckland at 6.4%.
Of those identifying as MÃÂori at the 2023 census, 366,015 people (41.2%) identified as of sole MÃÂori ethnicity while 409,401 people (46.1%) identified as of both European and MÃÂori ethnicity, due to the high rate of intermarriage between the two ethnicities.
The largest by population at the 2013 census was NgÃÂpuhi (125,601), followed by NgÃÂti Porou (71,049), NgÃÂi Tahu (54,819) and Waikato (40,083). However, over 110,000 people of MÃÂori descent could not identify their .
Outside of New Zealand, a large MÃÂori population exists in Australia. There were 170,057 Australians identifying as MÃÂori at the 2021 Australian census, with 65,031 living in Queensland, 39,714 living in New South Wales and 31,044 living in Western Australia. Smaller communities also exist in the United Kingdom (approx. 8,000), the United States (up to 3,500) and Canada (approx. 2,805).
MÃÂori culture forms a distinctive part of New Zealand culture and, due to a large diaspora and the incorporation of MÃÂori motifs into popular culture, is found throughout the world. Contemporary MÃÂori culture comprises traditional as well as 20th-century influences.
Archaeological record indicates a gradual evolution of culture. In the course of a few centuries, the growing population led to competition for resources and an increase in warfare and an increased frequency of fortified pÃÂ. Various systems also arose aimed to conserve resources; most of these, such as and , used religious or supernatural threats to discourage people from taking species at particular seasons or from specified areas.
Warfare between tribes was common, and MÃÂori would sometimes eat their conquered enemies or enslave them. Performing arts such as the haka developed from their Polynesian roots, as did carving and weaving. Regional dialects arose, with differences in vocabulary and in the pronunciation of some words but the language retained enough similarities to other Eastern Polynesian languages for Tupaia, the Tahitian navigator on James Cook's first voyage in the region to act as an interpreter between MÃÂori and the crew of the Endeavour.
Traditional MÃÂori beliefs have their origins in Polynesian culture. Concepts such as (sacred), (non-sacred), (authority/prestige) and (spirit) governed everyday MÃÂori living, and there are also many MÃÂori deities. Today, some MÃÂori follow a variety of Christian faiths such as Presbyterianism, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, MÃÂori Christian groups such as RÃÂtana and Ringatà «, and also Catholic, Anglican and Methodist denominations. At the 2018 New Zealand census, 7.7 per cent of MÃÂori were affiliated with MÃÂori religions, beliefs, and philosophies; 29.9 per cent with Christian denominations and 53.5 per cent of MÃÂori claimed no religion. Proportions of Christian and irreligious MÃÂori are comparable with European New Zealanders.
Many MÃÂori people observe spiritual traditions such as and . Certain objects, areas, or buildings are (spiritually restricted), and must be made (unrestricted) by ceremonial action. It is common practice, for instance, to remove one's shoes before entering a (meeting-house), a token of respect for the ancestors who are represented and spiritually present within the . Another spiritual ritual is (purification), practised when fishing to ensure there is no on the fish.
Cultural performance of (song), (dance), (chants) and (poetry) are used by MÃÂori to express and pass on knowledge and understanding about history, communities, and relationships. is a MÃÂori performance art believed to have originated with the legendary figure Tinirau. It was performed for tourists following European contact, starting in the 1880s; this sometimes involved adaptations to make it more familiar to European audiences. It was used in the First World War to raise money for the Maori Soldiers' Fund encouraged by ÃÂpirana Ngata. A is often performed in a (welcoming ceremony).
Since 1972, there has been a regular national competition, the Te Matatini National Festival, organised by the Aotearoa Traditional MÃÂori Performing Arts Society. There are groups in schools, tertiary institutions, and workplaces, and it is performed at tourist venues across the country.
(entertainment houses) were a site of story-telling, dance, and puppetry in pre-European MÃÂori culture. MÃÂori theatre and contemporary dance flourished in the 1970s and 1980s with groups such as Te Ohu Whakaari, Te Ika a Maui Players and Taki Rua. Contemporary MÃÂori stage writers, actors and directors include George Henare, Riwia Brown, Hone Kouka, Nancy Brunning, Jim Moriarty, Briar Grace-Smith, and many others. Contemporary performing arts include theatre companies Taki Rua, Tawata Productions who run an annual playwriting festival for indigenous writers called Breaking Ground, and dance companies, Atamira Dance Company and Okareka Dance Company. In Auckland there is Te Pou, a kaupapa MÃÂori performing arts venue that develops and partners with MÃÂori theatre makers.
Traditional MÃÂori instruments are taonga pà «oro. They fulfilled various roles including storytelling, religious traditions and also daily functions such as the beginning of a new day. Taonga pà «oro fall into two areas, melodic instruments such as the flute and rhythmic instruments such as poi "balls of dried flax on string that are swung and tapped".
Prominent MÃÂori music artists and groups include Stan Walker, Maisey Rika, Young Sid, William Singe, Teeks, Ria Hall, Rob Ruha, Pieter T, Alien Weaponry, Sons of Zion, 1814 and Maimoa.
Like other cultures, oral folklore was used by MÃÂori to preserve their stories and beliefs through many centuries. In the 19th century, European-style literacy was brought to the MÃÂori, which led to MÃÂori history documentation in books, novels and later television. MÃÂori language use began to decline in the 20th century with English as the language through which MÃÂori literature became widespread.
Notable MÃÂori novelists include Patricia Grace, Witi Ihimaera and Alan Duff. Once Were Warriors, a 1994 film adapted from a 1990 novel of the same name by Alan Duff, brought the plight of some urban MÃÂori to a wide audience. It was the highest-grossing film in New Zealand until 2006, and received international acclaim, winning several international film prizes. While some MÃÂori feared that viewers would consider the violent male characters an accurate portrayal of MÃÂori men, most critics praised it as exposing the raw side of domestic violence.
Other major films with MÃÂori themes or subjects include Utu (1983), The Piano (1993), Whale Rider (2002), River Queen (2005), Boy (2010), Hunt for the Wilderpeople (2016) and Muru (2022). The Maori Merchant of Venice (2002) was notable as a complete MÃÂori language translation and performance of Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice.
Prominent MÃÂori actors include Temuera Morrison, Cliff Curtis, Jemaine Clement, Lawrence Makoare, Miriama Smith, Manu Bennett, Keisha Castle-Hughes, James Rolleston, Rena Owen, Shavaughn Ruakere and Julian Dennison. In most cases their roles in Hollywood productions have them portraying ethnic groups other than MÃÂori.
In the 2010s MÃÂori actor-director Taika Waititi rose to global fame directing the Marvel Cinematic Universe film ' (2017), and the Academy Award-winning Jojo Rabbit (2019), in which he played Adolf Hitler in a supporting role. Waititi's previous films Boy and Hunt for the Wilderpeople, both feature young MÃÂori protagonists.
MÃÂori participate fully in New Zealand's sporting culture, and are well-represented in rugby union, rugby league and netball teams at all levels. Individual MÃÂori players are members of national sports teams, and there are dedicated MÃÂori rugby union, rugby league and cricket teams that play in international competitions.
At the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro, 41 of the 199 competitors (20.5 per cent) were of MÃÂori descent in the New Zealand delegation, with the rugby sevens squads alone having 17 MÃÂori competitors (out of 24). There were also three competitors of MÃÂori descent in the Australian delegation.
The New Zealand national rugby union team and many other New Zealand sports people perform a , a traditional MÃÂori challenge, before events.
Kë-o-rahi and Tapawai are two ball sports of MÃÂori origin. Kë-o-rahi received an unexpected boost when McDonald's chose it to represent New Zealand. Waka ama (outrigger canoeing) has also experienced a resurgence of interest in New Zealand since the 1980s.
The MÃÂori language, also known as (pronounced ) or simply ("the language"), has the status of an official language. Linguists classify it within the Eastern Polynesian languages as being closely related to Cook Islands MÃÂori, Tuamotuan and Tahitian. Before European contact MÃÂori did not have a written language and "important information such as was memorised and passed down verbally through the generations". MÃÂori were familiar with the concept of maps and when interacting with missionaries in 1815 could draw accurate maps of their ( boundaries), onto paper, that were the equal of European maps. Missionaries surmised that MÃÂori had traditionally drawn maps on sand or other natural materials.
From about 1890, MÃÂori members of Parliament realised the importance of English literacy to MÃÂori and insisted that all MÃÂori children be taught in English. Missionaries, who still ran many MÃÂori schools, had been teaching exclusively in MÃÂori but the MÃÂori MPs insisted this should stop. However attendance at school for many MÃÂori was intermittent. In many areas of New Zealand, MÃÂori lost its role as a living community language used by significant numbers of people in the post-war years. In tandem with calls for sovereignty and for the righting of social injustices from the 1970s onwards, New Zealand schools now teach MÃÂori culture and language as an option, and pre-school ("language-nests") have started, which teach (young children) exclusively in MÃÂori. These extend right through secondary schools (). Most preschool centres teach basics such as colours, numerals and greetings in MÃÂori songs and chants.
MÃÂori Television, a government-funded channel committed to broadcasting primarily in Te Reo, began in March 2004. The 1996 census reported 160,000 MÃÂori speakers. At the time of the 2013 census 125,352 MÃÂori (21.3 per cent) reported a conversational level of proficiency.
Polynesian settlers in New Zealand developed a distinct society over several hundred years. Social groups were tribal, with no unified society or single MÃÂori identity until after the arrival of Europeans. Nevertheless, common elements could be found in all MÃÂori groups in pre-European New Zealand, including a shared Polynesian heritage, a common basic language, familial associations, traditions of warfare, and similar mythologies and religious beliefs.
Most MÃÂori lived in villages, which were inhabited by several (extended families) who collectively formed a (clan or subtribe). Members of a cooperated with food production, gathering resources, raising families and defence. MÃÂori society across New Zealand was broadly stratified into three classes of people: , chiefs and ruling families; , commoners; and , slaves. also held special standing in their communities as specialists of revered arts, skills and esoteric knowledge.
Shared ancestry, intermarriage and trade strengthened relationships between different groups. Many with mutually recognised shared ancestry formed , or tribes, which were the largest social unit in MÃÂori society. and often united for expeditions to gather food and resources, or in times of conflict. In contrast, warfare developed as an integral part of traditional life, as different groups competed for food and resources, settled personal disputes, and sought to increase their prestige and authority.
Early European settlers introduced tools, weapons, clothing and foods to MÃÂori across New Zealand, in exchange for resources, land and labour. MÃÂori began selectively adopting elements of Western society during the 19th century, including European clothing and food, and later Western education, religion and architecture. However, as the 19th century wore on, relations between European colonial settlers and different MÃÂori groups became increasingly strained. Tensions led to widespread conflict in the 1860s, and the confiscation of millions of acres of MÃÂori land. Significant amounts of land were also purchased by the colonial government and later through the Native Land Court.
By the start of the 20th century, a greater awareness had emerged of a unified MÃÂori identity, particularly in comparison to PÃÂkehÃÂ, who now overwhelmingly outnumbered the MÃÂori as a whole. MÃÂori and PÃÂkehàsocieties remained largely separateâÂÂsocially, culturally, economically and geographicallyâÂÂfor much of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The key reason for this was that MÃÂori remained almost exclusively a rural population, whereas increasingly the European population was urban especially after 1900. Nevertheless, MÃÂori groups continued to engage with the government and in legal processes to increase their standing in (and ultimately further their incorporation into) wider New Zealand society. The main point of contact with the government were the four MÃÂori Members of Parliament.
Many MÃÂori migrated to larger rural towns and cities during the Depression and post-WWII periods in search of employment, leaving rural communities depleted and disconnecting many urban MÃÂori from their traditional social controls and tribal homelands. Yet while standards of living improved among MÃÂori, they continued to lag behind PÃÂkehÃÂ in areas such as health, income, skilled employment and access to higher levels of education. MÃÂori leaders and government policymakers alike struggled to deal with social issues stemming from increased urban migration, including a shortage of housing and jobs, and a rise in urban crime, poverty and health problems.
In regards to housing, a 1961 census revealed significant differences in the living conditions of MÃÂori and Europeans. That year, out of all the (unshared) non-MÃÂori private dwellings in New Zealand, 96.8 per cent had a bath or shower, 94.1 per cent a hot water service, 88.7 per cent a flush toilet, 81.6 per cent a refrigerator, and 78.6 per cent an electric washing machine. By contrast, for all (unshared) MÃÂori private dwellings that same year, 76.8 per cent had a bath or shower, 68.9 per cent a hot water service, 55.8 per cent a refrigerator, 54.1 per cent a flush toilet, and 47 per cent an electric washing machine.
While the arrival of Europeans had a profound impact on the MÃÂori way of life, many aspects of traditional society have survived into the 21st century. MÃÂori participate fully in all spheres of New Zealand culture and society, leading largely Western lifestyles while also maintaining their own cultural and social customs. The traditional social strata of , and have all but disappeared from MÃÂori society, while the roles of and are still present. Traditional kinship ties are also actively maintained, and the in particular remains an integral part of MÃÂori life.
MÃÂori society at a local level is particularly visible at the . Formerly the central meeting spaces in traditional villages, today usually comprise a group of buildings around an open space, that frequently host events such as weddings, funerals, church services and other large gatherings, with traditional protocol and etiquette usually observed. They also serve as the base of one or sometimes several .
Most MÃÂori affiliate with one or more (and ), based on genealogical descent (). vary in size, from a few hundred members to over 100,000 in the case of NgÃÂpuhi. Many people do not live in their traditional tribal regions as a result of urban migration (see Urban MÃÂori). are usually governed by (tribal councils or assemblies) which represent the in consultations and negotiations with the New Zealand government.
MÃÂori issues are a prominent feature of race relations in New Zealand. Historically, many PÃÂkehÃÂ viewed race relations in their country as being the "best in the world", a view that prevailed until MÃÂori urban migration in the mid-20th century brought cultural and socioeconomic differences to wider attention.
MÃÂori protest movements grew significantly in the 1960s and 1970s seeking redress for past grievances, particularly in regard to land rights. Successive governments have responded by enacting affirmative action programmes, funding cultural rejuvenation initiatives and negotiating tribal settlements for past breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi. Further efforts have focused on reducing socioeconomic disparity.
A 2007 Department of Corrections report found that MÃÂori are disproportionately represented in the criminal justice system: "a number of studies have shown evidence of greater likelihood, associated only with ethnicity, for MÃÂori offenders to have police contact, be charged, lack legal representation, not be granted bail, plead guilty, be convicted, be sentenced to non-monetary penalties, and be denied release to Home Detention". Conversely, critics denounce the scale of assistance given to MÃÂori as amounting to preferential treatment for a select group of people based on race. Both sentiments were highlighted during the foreshore and seabed controversy in 2004, in which the New Zealand government claimed sole ownership of the New Zealand foreshore and seabed, over the objections of MÃÂori groups who were seeking customary title.
MÃÂori on average have fewer assets than the rest of the population, and run greater risks of many negative economic and social outcomes. Over 50 per cent of MÃÂori live in areas in the three highest deprivation deciles, compared with 24 per cent of the rest of the population.
Although MÃÂori make up 16.5 per cent of the population, they make up 53.0 per cent of the prison population. MÃÂori have higher unemployment rates than other ethnic groups in New Zealand, which is believed to partially account for their over-representation in the criminal justice system; many young MÃÂori, finding themselves unemployed, are picked up for alcohol-related behaviours or small crimes such as vandalism. Underemployment is in turn attributed to persistent institutional racism in New Zealand.
"Only 47 per cent of MÃÂori school-leavers finish school with qualifications higher than NCEA Level One; compared to 74 per cent European; 87 per cent Asian." Although New Zealand rates very well globally in the PISA rankings that compare national performance in reading, science and maths, "once you disaggregate the PISA scores, Pakeha students are second in the world and MÃÂori are 34th." At the 2018 New Zealand census, 25.3% of MÃÂori aged 15 and over had no formal qualifications, compared to 17.1% for non-MÃÂori New Zealanders, and only 12.5% of MÃÂori have a bachelor's degree or higher, compared to 26.8% of non-MÃÂori.
Also, a 2008 study by the New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse showed that MÃÂori women and children are more likely to experience domestic violence than any other ethnic group.
In 2017âÂÂ2019, life expectancy for MÃÂori in New Zealand was 73.4 years for males and 77.1 years for females, compared to 80.9 years for non-MÃÂori males and 84.4 years for non-MÃÂori females, a difference of 7.5 and 7.3 years respectively. However, MÃÂori have a wide range of life expectancies across regions: MÃÂori living in Marlborough have the highest life expectancy at 79.9 years for males and 83.4 years for females, while MÃÂori living in the Gisborne District have the lowest life expectancy at 71.2 years for males and 75.2 years for females.
MÃÂori suffer more health problems, including higher levels of alcohol and drug abuse, smoking and obesity. Less frequent use of healthcare services mean that late diagnosis and treatment intervention lead to higher levels of morbidity and mortality in many manageable conditions. Compared with non-MÃÂori, MÃÂori people experience higher rates of heart disease, strokes, most cancers, respiratory diseases, rheumatic fever, suicide and self-harm, and infant deaths.
In April 2021, the government announced the creation of the first dedicated MÃÂori Health Authority "with the power to directly commission health services for MÃÂori and to partner with Health NZ in other aspects of the health system".
Wider commercial exposure has increased public awareness of the MÃÂori culture, but has also resulted in several legal disputes. Between 1998 and 2006, NgÃÂti Toa attempted to trademark the "" to prevent its use by commercial organisations without their permission. In 2001, Danish toymaker Lego faced legal action by several MÃÂori tribal groups opposed to them trademarking MÃÂori words used in the Bionicle product range.
MÃÂori have been represented to the Crown in New Zealand politics since the Declaration of the Independence of New Zealand, before the Treaty of Waitangi was signed in 1840. Being a traditionally tribal people, no one organisation ostensibly speaks for all MÃÂori nationwide. The MÃÂori King Movement () originated in the 1860s as an attempt by several to unify under one leader; in modern times, it serves a largely ceremonial role. Another attempt at political unity was the Kotahitanga Movement, which established a separate MÃÂori Parliament that held annual sessions from 1892 until its last sitting in 1902.
MÃÂori have had reserved seats in the New Zealand Parliament since 1868. MÃÂori received universal suffrage with other New Zealand citizens in 1893. Currently, MÃÂori reserved electorates account for seven of the 120 seats in New Zealand's unicameral parliament, and consideration of and consultation with MÃÂori have become routine requirements for councils and government organisations. The contesting of these seats was the first opportunity for many MÃÂori to participate in New Zealand elections, although the elected MÃÂori representatives initially struggled to assert significant influence. Sir ÃÂpirana Ngata has often been described as the foremost MÃÂori politician to have served in Parliament in the mid-20th century.
Debate occurs frequently as to the relevance and legitimacy of the separate electoral roll and the reserved seats. The National Party announced in 2008 it would abolish the seats when all historic Treaty settlements have been resolved, which it aimed to complete by 2014. However, after the election National reached an agreement with the MÃÂori Party not to abolish the seats until MÃÂori give their approval.
Several MÃÂori political parties have formed over the years to improve the position of MÃÂori in New Zealand society. The present MÃÂori Party, formed in 2004, secured 1.32 per cent of the party vote at the 2014 general election and held two seats in the 51st New Zealand Parliament, with two MPs serving as Ministers outside Cabinet. The party did not achieve any representatives in the 52nd New Zealand Parliament, but regained two seats in the 53rd.
Following the 2020 reelection of the New Zealand Labour Party to government, Labour Minister Nanaia Mahuta became the first female MÃÂori Foreign Minister of New Zealand; she replaced Winston Peters, also MÃÂori, in the role. In 2016 she became the first Member of Parliament to have (the traditional MÃÂori female facial tattoo). In the 2020 election more MPs with entered Parliament, including MÃÂori Party co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Green Party MP Elizabeth Kerekere.
The 54th Parliament after the 2023 New Zealand general election has seen a historically high number of MÃÂori MPs at 33. MÃÂori are at 27% of the parliament while in the general population they are 17%.