Iwi () are the largest social units in New Zealand MÃÂori society. In MÃÂori, roughly means or , and is often translated as "tribe". The word is both singular and plural in the MÃÂori language, and is typically pluralised as such in English.
groups trace their ancestry to the original Polynesian migrants who, according to tradition, arrived from Hawaiki. Some cluster into larger groupings that are based on (genealogical tradition) and known as (literally , with reference to the original migration voyages). These super-groupings are generally symbolic rather than logistical. In pre-European times, most MÃÂori were allied to relatively small groups in the form of () and (). Each contains a number of ; among the of the NgÃÂti WhÃÂtua iwi, for example, are Te Uri-o-Hau, Te Roroa, Te Taoà «, and NgÃÂti WhÃÂtua-o-à ÂrÃÂkei. MÃÂori use the word rohe for the territory or boundaries of iwi.
In modern-day New Zealand, can exercise significant political power in the management of land and other assets. For example, the 1997 Treaty of Waitangi settlement between the New Zealand Government and NgÃÂi Tahu compensated for various losses of the rights guaranteed under the Treaty of Waitangi of 1840. the tribe has collective assets under management of $1.85 billion. affairs can have a real impact on New Zealand politics and society. A 2004 attempt by some to test in court their ownership of the seabed and foreshore areas polarised public opinion (see New Zealand foreshore and seabed controversy).
In MÃÂori and many other Polynesian languages, literally means , derived from Proto-Oceanic *suRiâÂÂ, meaning . MÃÂori may refer to returning home after travelling or living elsewhere as "going back to the bones" â literally to the burial areas of ancestors. MÃÂori author Keri Hulme's novel The Bone People (1985) has a title linked directly to this dual meaning of bone and "tribal people".
Many names begin with or with (from and respectively, both meaning roughly ). has become a productive morpheme in New Zealand English to refer to groups of people: examples are NgÃÂti PÃÂkehà(PÃÂkehàas a group), NgÃÂti Pà Âneke (MÃÂori who have migrated to the Wellington region), and NgÃÂti RÃÂnana (MÃÂori living in London). NgÃÂti Tà «matauenga ("Tribe of Tà «matauenga", the god of war) is the official MÃÂori-language name of the New Zealand Army. Hawaiian navigator Nainoa Thompson and his crew upon the Hà Âkà «leûa canoe were inducted among the Te Tai Tokerau MÃÂori by James Henare as the iwi of NgÃÂti RuawÃÂhia (âÂÂTribe of the ArcturusâÂÂ) after their successful voyage from Rarotonga to Waitangi in 1985, the admission of NgÃÂti RuawÃÂhia was formalised in 2018.
In the southern dialect of MÃÂori, NgÃÂti and NgÃÂi become and , terms found in such iwi names as KÃÂti MÃÂmoe and KÃÂi Tahu (also known as NgÃÂi Tahu).
Each has a generally recognised territory (), but many of these overlap, sometimes completely. This has added a layer of complication to the long-running discussions and court cases about how to resolve historical Treaty claims. The length of coastline emerged as one factor in the final (2004) legislation to allocate fishing-rights in settlement of claims relating to commercial fisheries.
can become a prospective vehicle for ideas and ideals of self-determination and/or . Thus does Te PÃÂti MÃÂori mention in the preamble of its constitution "the dreams and aspirations of to achieve self-determination for , and within their own land". Some Tà «hoe envisage self-determination in specifically -oriented terms.
Increasing urbanisation of MÃÂori has led to a situation where a significant percentage do not identify with any particular . The following extract from a 2000 High Court of New Zealand judgment discussing the process of settling fishing rights illustrates some of the issues:
<blockquote> ... 81 per cent of Maori now live in urban areas, at least one-third live outside their tribal influence, more than one-quarter do not know their iwi or for some reason do not choose to affiliate with it, at least 70 per cent live outside the traditional tribal territory and these will have difficulties, which in many cases will be severe, in both relating to their tribal heritage and in accessing benefits from the settlement. It is also said that many Maori reject tribal affiliation because of a working-class unemployed attitude, defiance and frustration. Related but less important factors, are that a hapu may belong to more than one iwi, a particular hapu may have belonged to different iwi at different times, the tension caused by the social and economic power moving from the iwi down rather than from the hapu up, and the fact that many iwi do not recognise spouses and adoptees who do not have kinship links. </blockquote>
In the 2006 census, 16 per cent of the 643,977 people who claimed MÃÂori ancestry did not know their . Another 11 per cent did not state their , or stated only a general geographic region, or merely gave a name. Initiatives like the Iwi Helpline are trying to make it easier for people to identify their , and the proportion who "don't know" dropped relative to previous censuses.
Some established pan-tribal organisations may exert influence across divisions. The RÃÂtana Church, for example, operates across divisions, and the MÃÂori King Movement, though principally congregated around Waikato/Tainui, aims to transcend some functions in a wider grouping.
Many operate or are affiliated with media organisations. Most of these belong to (the National MÃÂori Radio Network), a group of radio stations which receive contestable Government funding from Te MÃÂngai PÃÂho (the MÃÂori Broadcast Funding Agency) to operate on behalf of and . Under their funding agreement, the stations must produce programmes in the local MÃÂori language and actively promote local MÃÂori culture.
A two-year Massey University survey of 30,000 people published in 2003 indicated 50 per cent of MÃÂori in National MÃÂori Radio Network broadcast areas listened to an station. An Auckland University of Technology study in 2009 suggested the audience of radio stations would increase as the growing New Zealand MÃÂori population tried to keep a connection to their culture, family history, spirituality, community, language and .
The Victoria University of Wellington Te Reo MÃÂori Society campaigned for MÃÂori radio, helping to set up Te Reo o Poneke, the first MÃÂori-owned radio operation, using airtime on Wellington student-radio station Radio Active in 1983. Twenty-one radio stations were set up between 1989 and 1994, receiving Government funding in accordance with a Treaty of Waitangi claim. This group of radio stations formed various networks, becoming .