Feminism in New Zealand is a series of actions and a philosophy to advance rights for women in New Zealand. This can be seen to have taken place through parliament and legislation, and also by actions and role modelling by significant women and groups of people throughout New Zealand's history. The women's suffrage movement in New Zealand succeeded in 1893 when New Zealand became the first nation where all women were granted the right to vote. New Zealand was also the first country in the world in which the five highest offices of power were held by women, which occurred between March 2005 and August 2006, with Queen Elizabeth II, Governor-General Silvia Cartwright, Prime Minister Helen Clark, Speaker of the New Zealand House of Representatives Margaret Wilson and Chief Justice Sian Elias. From October 2022 to October 2023, New Zealand achieved gender-equal representation in Parliament for the first time.
In 1840 MÃÂori women were part of the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi that created New Zealand as part of the British Empire under Queen Victoria. WÃÂhine MÃÂori were at the forefront of the women's suffragist movement, including campaigning for their right to vote and to stand as members of Te Kotahitanga.11 years after universal male suffrage was granted, universal female suffrage was achieved on 19 September 1893. Iriaka RÃÂtana became the first wÃÂhine MÃÂori MP in 1949.
Prior to European settlement of New Zealand MÃÂori women had varied responsibilities as tribal leaders, military strategists, warriors, poets, composers and healers. Their roles were irrespective of their gender. Kinship systems in MÃÂori tribes were often arranged matrilineally.
Diplomacy and rituals of exchange between MÃÂori tribes were often arranged according to the concept of mana wahine, the prestige and political power held by a woman or the women of a tribe. Today, numerous MÃÂori iwi and hapà « descended from such women insist on identifying themselves as being "the people of" that particular female ancestor. For example, on the East Coast of the North Island a prominent iwi group is NgÃÂti Kahungunu, eponymous of the male ancestor Kahungunu. However within the Mahia area of that region, there is a local preference for the name NgÃÂti Rongomaiwahine; Rongomaiwahine being known as the more prestigious ancestor of the people there. Similar insistence is made by members of NgÃÂti Hinemoa and NgÃÂti Hinemanu.
Scholars have suggested that the solidification of a patriarchal structure in MÃÂori societies was shaped by colonial contact, largely through the expectations and prejudices of European settler-traders and Christian missionaries.
Once European migrants started arrived in New Zealand through colonisation there were more men than women. By 1916 and 1941 the gender differences were about equal. By 1971 the gender shift began and women began to outnumber the men. By 2001 there were 104 women to every 100 men. The female population is expected to outrank the male population by 2051, because of the high mortality rate among men aged 15âÂÂ24, and the female life expectancy is expected to increase much faster than males.
In 2001 there were 63,000 more women than men. According to census records in 2001, this trend was expected to continue with other situations in the lives of New Zealand women included:
In the study in 2001 by academic Ann Magee she identified the following positive changes and initiatives that affected women:
In 2000 the Property (Relationships) Bill was introduced which allows women to have access to property and earnings following a marriage or de facto relationship break down. This law also applies to same sex couples, given they have lived together for three years.
Arguably, MÃÂori women have been involved with New Zealand feminism since 1840, when at least three MÃÂori women were included in the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi which created New Zealand. This was significant at a time when women generally did not hold power within the British Empire. It is reported that these women were allowed to sign the treaty after the MÃÂori women had expressed their anger at being excluded. The New Zealand suffragette movement included MÃÂori women who also lobbied to be allowed to vote. In particular, there were MÃÂori women who were landowners and they argued that they should not be barred from political representation. A minority (1.73%) of MÃÂori men first voted in 1852 and all MÃÂori men achieved universal suffrage in 1867; women (both MÃÂori and PÃÂkehÃÂ) gained universal suffrage in 1893.
A major focus of the early women's movements was the development of bicultural relations between MÃÂori and PÃÂkehÃÂ. Political advances were made when Iriaka RÃÂtana was the first MÃÂori woman MP, who was elected in 1949.
The development of the MÃÂori Women's Welfare League or Te Rà Âpà « WÃÂhine MÃÂori Toko I te Ora in 1951 in Wellington, provided an avenue for MÃÂori women to be represented in the New Zealand government. àWhile the original goal of the League was to preserve MÃÂori culture and to promote fellowship and cooperation between various women's organisations, it became heavily involved in housing, health and education issues and was instrumental in making te reo MÃÂori part of the country's official languages.
In 1970, women's liberation groups were formed in New Zealand and included MÃÂori women in decision-making. However, within a few years, MÃÂori women began to separate from these groups to focus on their own issues. Many of the feminist organisations dominated by white, middle-class women were delivering health and legal services but these were not reaching many MÃÂori women whose main concerns were economic.
To understand the key issues for MÃÂori feminists, it is necessary to understand mana wÃÂhine. In te reo MÃÂori, the MÃÂori language, what may be termed âÂÂfeminist discoursesâ are often referred to as âÂÂmana wÃÂhineâÂÂ. Mana wÃÂhine discourses allows for the extension of Kaupapa MÃÂori, MÃÂori practice and principles, to the intersection of MÃÂori and female identities, and makes said intersection visible. Kaupapa MÃÂori locates itself within a worldview different to that stereotypical of the west, allowing for the generation of new solutions. As a result, mana wÃÂhine is, in contrast to the broader projects of âÂÂfeminismâÂÂ, a self-deterministic approach that gives effect to the intersections of female and MÃÂori identities. Visibility and validation of this intersection in-turn validates mÃÂtauranga wÃÂhine, MÃÂori women's knowledge. For some, preference for the term âÂÂmana wÃÂhineâÂÂ, in contrast to âÂÂfeministâÂÂ, is a direct result of the preconceptions attached to said title of âÂÂfeministâÂÂ, particularly in PÃÂkehàculture.
Multiple theories of MÃÂori feminism (mana wÃÂhine) exist concurrently due to the diversity of iwi, âÂÂtribesâÂÂ, across Aotearoa/New Zealand. MÃÂori, regardless of iwi, share great disruptions that occurred as a direct result of the processes of colonisation. There are, therefore, great differences between the MÃÂori and PÃÂkehàfeminist projects. In order to encompass a wide-view of issues facing women of MÃÂori heritage, many argue that te reo MÃÂori me ona tikanga (Maori Language and Culture) are necessary inclusions in mana wÃÂhine, and this epitomises the differences between mana wÃÂhine and PÃÂkehàfeminism. Biculturalism, therefore, is often campaigned for by MÃÂori feminism, allowing for a simultaneous campaign for Indigenous rights; a campaign bypassed completely by multiculturalism. Mana wÃÂhine, therefore, acts as a tool which allows MÃÂori women to take control over their history and future. That is, mana wÃÂhine, by necessity, takes into account sexism, racism, colonialism and class and overlaps with the political aspirations for self-determination. This is why mana wÃÂhine is an important area of discourse.
Mana wÃÂhine allows for the provision of analysis unique to the position held by those lying in the intersections of MÃÂori and women. The unique world-view of the MÃÂori population is vital in the understanding of pre-colonial MÃÂori society. Sources such as MÃÂori society, both te ao hou and te ao tawhito (the present and past); te reo MÃÂori; MÃÂori women's histories; and nga tikanga MÃÂori, MÃÂori customary practices, are important in development of these discourses. Indeed, these sources give great importance to MÃÂori sovereignty. Kaupapa MÃÂori conjointly working with mana wÃÂhine locates MÃÂori women in intersections of oppression from colonisation and the racism resulting therefrom, in addition to sexism. The effect of colonisation was devastating, the estrangement of wahanu, community, and the enforcement of the âÂÂnuclearâ family were particularly harmful. colonisation also resulted in the enforcement of traditional, western, religious ideas of the status of women and this resulted in a dramatic shift of power away from women in MÃÂori culture.
Biculturalism continues to be a key emphasis for mana wÃÂhine as it informs wider debates about colonisation and decolonialism, ethnicities and politics. Biculturalism emphasises the important position of MÃÂori culture, whereas in a multicultural nation MÃÂori would be just one culture among many. This could then remove their sovereignty and the relationship MÃÂori have with their land.
Colonisation significantly disrupted all of MÃÂori society, but the disruption was on multiple levels for women. As a result, MÃÂori women have needed to reassert their positions and status, not just in the broad society but also in their own communities. They have needed to find their own voices. However, this discussion does not always resonate with PÃÂkehàwomen as they believe that Western feminism is for everyone. MÃÂori women emphasise the need to be visible in their differences as those differences count. Of importance is the need to highlight that unless the âÂÂmultiple forces of subjugationâ resulting from colonisation are taken into account, feminism cannot fully account for the realities of MÃÂori women.
Historically, as MÃÂori collectivism gave way to Christian individualism, MÃÂori have increasingly been forced into the PÃÂkehàmodel of the nuclear family. This has meant that MÃÂori women have become increasingly vulnerable as their dependence on their husbands has increased and as they have become increasingly isolated from their broader community. In addition, MÃÂori women often end up with the jobs that PÃÂkehàwomen do not want. It can therefore seem that MÃÂori women end up with the âÂÂscrapsâ from PÃÂkehàwomen.
There are critical differences between MÃÂori women and men in relation to health, education, employment, and family structure and support. Critically, lifestyle options and opportunities for MÃÂori women have been restricted. However, even when it is identified that there are specific issues impacting MÃÂori women, they are often not included in the forums for resolution. And if they are, their voices may be shut down.
One of the goals of mana wÃÂhine is to ensure that MÃÂori women can make sense of their different realities and identities, and to celebrate the strength and resilience of MÃÂori women. As a result, mana wÃÂhine stories and theories have been diverse rather than homogenous. This includes differing views on how to best achieve equity and reminding others, including MÃÂori men, about who they are and where they have come from. Many MÃÂori today have been disconnected from their traditional cultures which have been reinterpreted through post-colonial eyes, resulting in some MÃÂori men using this to deny women power and a voice. When this is combined with PÃÂkehÃÂ feminist priorities, many MÃÂori women feel they are ignored when both gender and colonisation issues and impacts are discussed i.e. they are seen as lesser. However, it is important that MÃÂori women are not viewed as passive victims waiting to be rescued by PÃÂkehÃÂ women.
Some MÃÂori academics have asserted that the term 'lesbian' is one with a western history and with western connotations, a term that may contradict some MÃÂori cultural histories. Sexuality, however, remains an important area of intersectional discourse for mana wÃÂhine and MÃÂori feminist projects, with many prominent figures working in this field, including activist Ngahuia Te Awekotuku.
The art of MÃÂori women often confronts issues that have been underscored as relating to mana wÃÂhine. The materials used in the preparation and production of artworks, are not simply a means to an end; they are integral to the work and possess important meaning. The forms which artworks and objects take are diverse, ranging from sound and performance to painting, jewellery, and fashion; these forms are not simply the vehicle or vessel of artistic expression - they embody inherently the message of the work. Artistsâ use of the body and space interrogates various issues, discourses and sites of contention including (but not confined to): the gendered cultural practices of PÃÂkehàcolonisation; the tensions between urban life and traditional spirituality; the restoration of cultural memory â cultural narratives (oral histories); and modern situational cultural and geographic isolation caused by dispossession.
Importantly, âÂÂFeminist artâ tends to be viewed by many MÃÂori women as PÃÂkehàcontrived and therefore irrelevant. The continuous, ageless dynamism of mana wÃÂhine is rather a more applicable term for this discussion. Additionally, because mana wÃÂhine envelops these works within its matrices, they speak with a richer prescience than a work that is simply an expression of art in and of itself and necessarily gives way to a more expansive function and understanding of art, as such.
Catriona Moore, speaking of feminist art more broadly, notes the multiplicities of purposes, directions, and outcomes that are characteristics of feminist art and aesthetics â these make the artworld a dynamic space for discussion, development and advancement. Art characterised or described within a mana wÃÂhine context operates similarly. However, artists who identify with and engage in exploring mana wÃÂhine through their artistic practices do not necessarily identify as feminists, or label their art as such.
Diverse works such as those by the Mataaho Collective and the performance art of Rosanna Raymond, announce and powerfully realise reconnection and reclamation, two important tenants that situate women in mana wÃÂhine and characterise activism in this space. Dr Maureen Lander's fibre and installation art and Shona Rapira Daviesâ use of textile and object making practices delineate the strength of MÃÂori women and the subtle yet poignant processes of restoration and affirmation achieved through their commitment to investing in and working with traditional materials.
Similarly the artistic practices of Nova Paul, Lisa Reihana, and interdisciplinary artist and archivist TuÃÂfale Tanoa'i aka Linda T, expend notions of conventional image making and cinematic art. These artists and their works are reminiscent of and carry on the practice of Merita Mata, which continue to challenge colonial narratives imbued with rejections of systemic PÃÂkehÃÂ patriarchal models of power, knowledge and ownership.
The central place of exploring MÃÂori mythologies through themes such as mourning, life, death, sovereignty, place and the spaces women occupy are interrogated in works by artists such as Alisa L. Smith and Robyn Kahukiwa. Importantly, Robyn Kahukiwa does not associate herself with feminism. However, Kahukiwa's works find expression in mana wÃÂhine, specifically with reference to the important place of women in MÃÂori spirituality. By extension, the synergies in the expansive works of Pasiffika Queen and Sissy that Walk, who critique modern understandings of gender and sexuality, further create discourses around MÃÂori identity and representation.