Akhbarism () is a branch of Twelver Shia Islam, whose adherents do not perform emulation (taqlid) of an Islamic jurist (marja'). Akhbaris reject the use of intercessory reasoning via trained Islamic jurists to derive verdicts in Islamic law, maintaining it is forbidden (haram) to perform imitation of anyone but one of the Fourteen Infallibles of Twelver Islam. The vast majority of Akhbaris today are to be found in Bahrain, with notable minorities in Iraq, Kuwait and Tanzania.
The term Akhbari is derived from khabara'at, meaning âÂÂnewsâ or âÂÂreports,â while Usuli comes from Uá¹£à «l al-fiqh, the âÂÂprinciples of Islamic jurisprudence.â Akhbaris, in contrast to Usulis, do not accept Usul al-fiqhâÂÂthat is, the effort to formulate a coherent set of legal principles based on rulings issued by the Imams prior to the Occultation (ghayba) of the last Imam.
Akhbaris hold that they must directly imitate the Ahl al-Bayt, arguing that the Imams are infallible whereas the marja, regardless of their expertise in jurisprudence, is not. Knowledge of religious rulings within Islamic jurisprudence is therefore transmitted, according to Akhbari belief, through successive generations of Muhaddith who narrate the rulings and hadith of The Fourteen Infallibles without engaging in interpretation. They maintain that the interpretation of the Qur'an and the full, esoteric knowledge of revelation (al-rÃÂsikhà «n fi al-ÿilm ) are also handed down from the Imams in this manner.
As of the twenty-first century, Akhbari form a small minority within Shia Islam, with Usulis making up the mainstream majority. Akhbarism as a revivalist movement started with the writings of Muhammad Amin al-Astarabadi (d. 1627) and achieved its greatest influence in the late Safavid (1501âÂÂ1736) and early post-Safavid era. However, shortly thereafter Muhammad Baqir Behbahani (d. 1792), along with other Usuli mujtahids, eradicated most of the Akhbari movement. South Asian regions notable for their Akhbari populations include Hyderabad, Karachi, Sehwan, Lahore, Faisalabad, Chakwaal, and Gojar Khan. with reportedly "only a handful of Shia Ulama remaining Akhbari to the present day."
The foundational belief of Akhbarism is that only the aḥadëth of the Infallibles serve as authoritative evidence in Islam. Akhbaris consider themselves bound by the Hadith of the two weighty things (Hadith ath-Thaqalayn), in which the Islamic prophet Muhammad instructed his followers to adhere to two sources of divine guidance after his death: the Quran and his progeny, the Ahl al-Bayt, whom Twelvers identify as the Twelve Imams.
Accordingly, even during the Major Occultation, Akhbaris maintain that Muslims must continue to follow the traditions of the Ahl al-Bayt. They cite the statement attributed to Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi: âÂÂAs for the new events that will occur (during my occultation), turn to the narrators of our traditions, because they are my proof to you, while I am the proof of Allah to them.â Akhbaris therefore reject fatÃÂwa based on ijtihad and deny the permissibility of producing Qur'anic exegesis without quoting narrations from the infallible Ahlul-Bayt. They argueâÂÂciting the Hadith ath-Thaqalayn and reports from the Twelve ImamsâÂÂthat exegesis must rely exclusively on these authoritative traditions. Akhbaris also reject the generalization of Hadith, maintaining that individual Hadiths are either sound or unsound; moreover, they consider the hadith contained in The Four Books of the Shia tradition to be reliable.
It is reported that Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi acknowledged the reliability of Kitab al-Kafi (one of The Four Books of Shias) and stated that âÂÂal-Kafi is sufficient for our Shia.â (By contrast, Usulis question the credibility of this statement, noting that it is not found within al-Kafi itself.)
Akhbaris argue that Usà «lism introduced a new basis for Usul al-fiqh centuries after the Major Occultation, relying on hypothetical reasoning and scholarly assumptions. By contrast, early ShëâÂÂa ulamàsuch as Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni and Ibn Babawayh focused primarily on the transmission of ḥadëth. During this period, ShëâÂÂa scholars distinguished themselves from the Sunni tradition, which employed methods such as qiyas (analogical reasoning), while ShëâÂÂa law was developed directly from the traditions of the Imams.
In the early Buyid period, Twelver ulamÃÂ believed that since the ImÃÂm had entered the Occultation and the NÃÂ'ib al-Khass was no longer present, all functions vested in the ImÃÂm had effectively lapsed. These functions included:
However, it soon became clear that suspending these functions created significant practical difficulties for the Twelver community, leaving it without leadership, organization, or a stable financial structure.
In contrast to Usulis, Akhbaris believe that the perpetuity of Sharia resides exclusively with the infallibles. Thus, the right to interpret the Qur'an belongs only to the Fourteen Infallibles, who possess complete esoteric knowledge (al-rÃÂsikhà «n fi al-ÿilm ). While Usulis hold that jurisprudence develops over time through Uá¹£à «l al-fiqh, Akhbaris seek religious rulings within Islamic jurisprudence exclusively from a living or deceased Muhaddith who transmits the rulings and hadith of The Fourteen Infallibles without interpretation. They further maintain that The Fourteen Infallibles (including the Shia ImÃÂms) never permitted Ijtihad.
Akhbaris argue that throughout the history of Twelver Shi'ism since the Occultation, Usuli ulama have gradually assumed functions that originally belonged to the Hidden Imam. They maintain that this process occurred in five distinct stages, each representing a further transgression or expansion of authority.
As early as the 5th century AH / 11th century CEâÂÂmore than 150 years after the Occultation of the 12th ImÃÂmâÂÂShaykhu t-Ta'ifa reinterpreted the doctrine to allow the delegation of the ImÃÂm's judicial authority to scholars trained in fiqh. In his writings, however, he stresses that this responsibility should be assumed by the ÿulamÃÂþ only when no other qualified individual is available.
Shaykhu t-Ta'ifa also considered the ÿulamÃÂþ to be the most suitable figures to distribute religious taxes, given their knowledge of the rightful recipients. Nevertheless, he maintained that individuals were still permitted to distribute such taxes on their own if they wished. He likewise permitted fuqahÃÂþ to organize the Friday prayer in the absence of the ImÃÂm or his specific representative.
Prominent Shëÿa scholars who rejected this interpretation include:
By the 13th century, Muhaqqiq al-Hilli had further advanced these ideas by extending the judicial authority of the ulama to include iqamat al-hududâÂÂthe implementation of legal penalties by the scholars themselves. His writings show a progression in thought: in his earlier works, the fuqahÃÂ' appear as deputies of the donor responsible for distributing religious taxes, while in his later writings they are presented as deputies of the Hidden ImÃÂm, entrusted with both the collection and distribution of these taxes. This development effectively exceeded the limits set by Shaykhu t-Ta'ifa two centuries earlier, marking what Akhbaris consider the first major transgression.
Muhaqqiq al-KarkhiâÂÂwriting roughly 300 years after the second transgressionâÂÂwas the first to argue, based on the hadith of âÂÂUmar ibn Hanzala, that the ulama served as the NÃÂ'ib al-'Amm (general representatives) of the Hidden ImÃÂm. However, he limited the practical application of this idea to one specific area: assuming the responsibility of leading the Friday prayer.
Shahëd ath-ThÃÂnë (Zayn al-Din al-Juba'i al'Amili) extended the concept of NÃÂ'ib al-'Amm to its full implications within the religious sphere, applying it to all functions and prerogatives traditionally attributed to the Hidden ImÃÂm. As a result, the judicial authority of the ulama came to be viewed as a direct extension of the ImÃÂmâÂÂs authority. Payment of religious taxes to the ulamaâÂÂas trustees of the ImÃÂmâÂÂthus became obligatory, and donors who chose to distribute these taxes independently were regarded as receiving no spiritual reward. This development contradicted the limitations established in earlier stages of doctrinal interpretation.
Shahëd ath-ThÃÂnë also broadened the categories of individuals eligible to receive zakÃÂt by including religious students and the ulama themselves, who were considered its rightful recipients as trustees for students. He further identified a role for the ulama in the sphere of defensive jihÃÂd, although he maintained agreement with Akhbari scholars that offensive jihÃÂd required the presence of the Hidden ImÃÂm and was therefore suspended during the Occultation.
Although these scholars were not mujtahids in the full technical sense, their contributions introduced new concepts into ShëâÂÂa theology that later influenced the development of the exegetical school. However, their ideas were not widely accepted by leading ShëâÂÂa scholars of the period and thus remained largely theoretical.
Traditional ShëâÂÂa doctrine held that legitimate Islamic governance could only be established under the leadership of an infallible ImÃÂm. Consequently, ShëâÂÂa communities historically played a limited role in supporting state authority, in contrast to the Sunni alignment with the Ottoman Empire. This stance created tension in regions where ShëâÂÂa populations formed the majority. By the end of the Safavid era, pressures brought on by the rise of global imperialism intensified these concerns. In response, some ulama were encouraged to develop ideological frameworks that could extend state authority over the ShëâÂÂa population by any necessary means.
The revival of AkhbÃÂrismâÂÂoften termed âÂÂneo-AkhbÃÂrismâÂÂâÂÂemerged under the leadership of Yusuf Al Bahrani (1695âÂÂ1772), dean of the scholarly community in Karbala. He spearheaded an intellectual critique of Usuli thought in the mid-18th century. A Bahrain-based Akhbari criticism of Usulism had already begun at the start of the 18th century, partly motivated by perceived weaknesses in the Usuli establishment supporting the Safavid state.
By assuming leadership of the Karbala scholarly community as one of the foremost thinkers of his time, al-Bahrani expanded this Bahrain-centered debate across the wider ShëâÂÂa world.
Under al-Bahrani, Usuli scholarship was regarded as impure, although al-Bahrani himself did not possess significant political influence. It was Muhammad Baqir ibn Muhammad Akmal al-Wahid Behbahani who decisively challenged the Akhbaris and eventually emerged as the most politically influential cleric in Karbala by 1772. BehbahaniâÂÂs theology was strongly opposed by the Akhbaris, and what began as a minor doctrinal disagreement escalated into a fierce and hostile dispute, culminating in Behbahani declaring the Akhbaris to be infidels (kuffÃÂr). Despite the intensity of the rhetoric, the conflict remained an intellectual one.
Initially, the shrine cities of Iraq contained a large and active Akhbari community. However, by the late 18th century, Behbahani succeeded in reversing their influence and effectively defeating the Akhbaris in both Karbala and Najaf. Although Akhbarism survived in southern Iraq, Bahrain, and a few Iranian cities such as Kirman for several more decades, the Usuli victory eventually became complete, leaving only a very small number of ShëâÂÂa ulama adhering to Akhbarism today.
Following the theological ascendancy achieved by al-Wahid BehbahaniâÂÂsupported in part by coercive measuresâÂÂthe Usuli school became increasingly integrated into, and influential within, the Iranian state structure.
During the first Russo-Persian War (1804âÂÂ1813), Fath Ali Shah's son and heir, Abbas Mirza, who was conducting the campaign, turned to the new ulama and obtained from Shaykh Ja'far Kashif al-Ghita' and other eminent clerics in Najaf and Isfahan a declaration of jihad against the Russians, thus implicitly recognizing their authority to issue such a declaration â one of the functions of the Hidden ImÃÂm. Kashif al-Ghita used the opportunity to extract from the state acknowledgment of the ulama's right to collect the religious taxes of Khums."
This followed the pattern of other transgressions by overthrowing the limits of its prior (fourth) transgression.
Following the Iranian Revolution, the Usuli school gained increasing popularity within communities that had previously adhered to Akhbarism. The consolidation of Usuli clerical authority reached its fullest expression in the doctrine of Vilayat al-Faqih, through which the Supreme Leader exercises overarching religious and political authority.
Akhbaris reject the authority of mujtahids. Their position is based in part on the final letter that ImÃÂm al-Mahdi is said to have sent to âÂÂAlë ibn Muhammad, the fourth trusted representative during the Lesser Occultation. In this letter, the ImÃÂm stated:
Akhbaris also maintain that only the ImÃÂms may be described as ÃÂyat Allah (Ayatollahs, âÂÂsigns of GodâÂÂ), basing this view on the Hadith-e-Tariq. According to this narration:
Akhbaris therefore argue that no one other than the ImÃÂms has the right to use this divinely conferred title. Historically, it was only in the early 19th century that ordinary mujtahids began referring to themselves as âÂÂAyatollahs.âÂÂ