On 9 November 2001, soldiers of the Special Operations Unit (JSO), an elite special forces police unit of the FR Yugoslavia State Security Directorate (RDB), also known as the Red Berets, raised a mutiny in response to the arrest and extradition of the BanoviÃÂ brothers, indicted for war crimes before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the group's opposition to the Government of Serbia headed by Prime Minister Zoran ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ. The mutiny ended on 17 November 2001 after certain concessions had been given to the Unit and the key figures in the State Security Directorate were dismissed.
The mutiny was the forerunner of major political upheavals in Serbia, one of which was the assassination of Zoran ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ in 2003.
During the overthrow of Slobodan Miloà ¡eviàin October 2000, the Special Operations Unit (JSO) played a significant role. The Unit's commander Milorad Ulemek made an agreement with opposition leader Zoran ÃÂinÃÂiàwhich resulted in Ulemek refusing to carry out Miloà ¡eviÃÂ's order to open fire on the anti-government protesters in Belgrade.
The following year, Miloà ¡eviàwas arrested and transferred to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the Hague in late June 2001. This became a wedge issue, leading to a split within the transitional authorities and the formation of an "anti-Hague lobby" centered around Yugoslav President Vojislav Koà ¡tunica. As Koà ¡tunica distanced himself from the ruling DOS coalition, he created a kind of shadow government grouped around his presidential cabinet. This opened an opportunity for remnants of the Miloà ¡eviàregime to capitalize on the ongoing power struggle between Prime Minister ÃÂinÃÂiàand President Koà ¡tunica, with the ultimate goal of preserving their interests.
During the year following the overthrow of Miloà ¡eviÃÂ, Milorad Ulemek increasingly associated with Duà ¡an SpasojeviÃÂ, allegedly a former JSO member, who was a leader of the Zemun Clan. This was first made clear during the arrest of Spasojeviàand several Zemun Clan members in May 2001 in France, when Ulemek argued for their release in front of Interior Minister Duà ¡an MihajloviÃÂ. After hearing of their arrest, Ulemek started a fire in the disco "TvrÃÂava" (Fortress) in Kula. He started several incidents in Belgrade's cafes, culminating on 15 June in the cafe "Bojan Stupica", during Ceca Raà ¾natoviÃÂ's birthday party. The Stupica incident, which included Ulemek threatening police officers while armed, led to his resignation from the Ministry of the Interior on 26 June 2001. Still, Ulemek kept his influence in the JSO, now led by Duà ¡an MariÃÂià"Gumar", and remained its de facto commander. After his resignation, Ulemek continued to enjoy certain privileges afforded to former high-ranking State Security operatives, such as armed guards dispatched from the police force.
Ulemek spent the several following months in Greece, where he was arrested in August 2001 for possessing a forged passport. Ulemek was released after State Security director Goran Petroviàsubmitted a written request to Greek authorities. This arrest further upset him because he had long suspected that he, too, was wanted by the ICTY, and that he could be charged for the Ibar Highway attack. Increasingly paranoid, Ulemek met with ÃÂedomir JovanoviÃÂ, a member of ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ's inner circle, on 5 October 2001 in the Zemun Clan headquarters in à  ilerova street. According to JovanoviÃÂ, Ulemek relayed these fears to him during their meeting, meanwhile boasting of his alliance with Security Directorate chief Aco TomiÃÂ.
Another event that made Ulemek feel threatened was ICTY prosecutor Carla Del Ponte's request for information from Interior Minister MihajloviÃÂ during her stay in Serbia on 19 October 2001. The information concerned around 200 individuals, including members of the JSO. Ulemek was also scheduled to appear before the court as a witness in the Ibar Highway case on 12 November. He was later himself indicted in the case and was sentenced to 40 years in prison.
The immediate cause for the mutiny was the arrest of Predrag Banoviàand Nenad BanoviÃÂ, two brothers who were indicted for war crimes committed during the Bosnian War in Keraterm camp, and their subsequent extradition to the ICTY. The arrest was carried out by the JSO on 8 November 2001 in Obrenovac. During the mutiny, the JSO claimed they had no knowledge that the brothers would be extradited to the ICTY following their arrest, and that they considered the extradition to be "unlawful and unconstitutional". However, according to deputy State Security director Zoran MijatoviÃÂ, the JSO was informed of the fact in a meeting on 7 November attended by commander Duà ¡an MariÃÂiàand reserve commander Zvezdan JovanoviÃÂ, and had not protested during the meeting.
Another possible underlying reason for the mutiny was that the BanoviÃÂ brothers were former members of the Wolves of VuÃÂjak paramilitary unit, closely aligned with the JSO, which could have raised fears that some members of the JSO might be arrested in the future.
On the evening of 9 November 2001, the Special Operations Unit disobeyed the State Security Service and most of its members withdrew from their jobs, including drivers and bodyguards of Serbian government officials. When the mutiny arose, Prime Minister Zoran ÃÂinÃÂiàand Interior Minister Duà ¡an Mihajloviàwere on official business while Goran PetroviÃÂ, director of the State Security Directorate, was on vacation. Petroviàinformed deputy director Zoran Mijatoviàin the evening. Around that time, he also informed ÃÂedomir Jovanoviàwho tried to establish contact with the Zemun Clan in à  ilerova, where he left a message for Ulemek.
That same evening, the JSO barricaded themselves inside their headquarters, a training center built on the site of the former salaà ¡ à  tolc in Kula. There, they held a press conference from the memorial room, a space decorated with images of members who were killed in action, as well as maps describing their activities during the Yugoslav Wars. Their demands were read out to a group of journalists by a man who introduced himself as "major BatiÃÂ", later identified as Vladimir PotiÃÂ. These included the enactment of a law on cooperation with the ICTY and the dismissal of Interior Minister Duà ¡an MihajloviÃÂ. The demand for a law on cooperation with the ICTY corresponded to President Koà ¡tunica's views on this matter. While there is no evidence that he was directly involved, his support for the mutineers gave the JSO additional legitimacy in the eyes of the public. In fact, his command over the army stopped the Government from resorting to a military solution to the crisis. Additional informal demands were established later, including the removal of Goran Petroviàfrom his position of director.
On 10 November, the JSO refused all communication with the government institutions. That day, the Unit blocked a loop of the E75 highway near Vrbas from around 1 PM to 3 PM.
Prime Minister Zoran ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ returned from his visit to the United States on 11 November. In the afternoon, he chaired a meeting held at the Ministry of Internal Affairs. At this meeting, ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ asked Sreten LukiÃÂ for a direct answer to the question of whether the police could prevent JSO in its potential attempt to occupy the government building and he received a negative answer. ÃÂedomir JovanoviÃÂ got a coded letter from Milorad Ulemek during the day inviting him and ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ to the JSO headquarters to negotiate. In the evening, ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ visited the center of the Special Operations Units in Kula. Talks were held for three hours in order to calm the situation and find a solution. The statement, which was distributed to the journalists points out that ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ accepted the reasons for the protest, but was not ready to support them.
On Monday, 12 November at around 5:20 AM, about 70 armed members of the Special Operations Unit blocked the highway through Belgrade near Sava Centar in the direction of the Gazela Bridge with their Humvee vehicles. Among the rebels was Zvezdan JovanoviÃÂ, later sentenced to 40 years in prison for the assassination of ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ. At around 7:30 AM, Goran PetroviÃÂ sent his deputy Zoran MijatoviÃÂ to negotiate with the Unit. MijatoviÃÂ came to the blockade at around 8 AM, where he talked to MariÃÂiÃÂ and threatened him with an ICTY indictment. MijatoviÃÂ was incorrect, seeing as neither MariÃÂiÃÂ nor any other members of the JSO, apart from Franko SimatoviÃÂ, were ever indicted by the ICTY. During the negotiations on the highway, MijatoviÃÂ also threatened MariÃÂiÃÂ saying the population in the surrounding buildings consisted mainly of former and current army officers, many of whom owned weapons. Meanwhile, the Special Anti-Terrorist Unit of the Ministry of the Interior was on full alert that day and the day before. The JSO cleared the highway around 3 PM on 12 November.
That afternoon, Milorad Ulemek testified at the trial for the murders on the Ibar Highway. He came to court together with several armed men, which affected other witnesses who refused to testify at the hearing out of fear. After leaving the courtroom, Ulemek told the media that he supported the mutiny and that everyone had the right to protest in their uniforms. This sentiment was echoed several days later by President Vojislav Koà ¡tunica, who justified the JSO protesting armed and uniformed by comparing them to doctors who would protest in their lab coats.
On 13 November, Deputy Prime Minister ÃÂedomir Jovanoviàand Interior Minister Duà ¡an Mihajloviàwent to Kula to negotiate an end to the mutiny. The JSO demanded that Mihajloviàresign from the position of minister, to which he agreed. However, Jovanoviàtook the written resignation from his hands and tore it up. A fight broke out and Zvezdan Jovanoviàthreatened ÃÂedomir Jovanoviàwith a knife. It was agreed that Mihajloviàshould present a letter of resignation to the Government.
The following day, the Government of Serbia declined MihajloviÃÂ's resignation, but accepted the resignation of State Security director Goran PetroviÃÂ and his deputy Zoran MijatoviÃÂ. MihajloviÃÂ made Andreja SaviÃÂ acting director the day after on 15 November.
Following the negotiations with the Special Operations Unit, some concessions were given and Goran PetroviÃÂ was removed from the position of director of the State Security and Andreja SaviÃÂ was appointed in his place permanently, while Milorad BracanoviÃÂ was appointed his deputy. BracanoviÃÂ was a security officer for the JSO before the mutiny. This position was later occupied by Veselin LeÃÂiÃÂ. The Unit was reassigned from the State Security Directorate to the Public Security Service and it was agreed upon that the Unit can be used only be the order of the minister and with the approval of the Government of Serbia. ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ refrained from dissolving the JSO in the name of preserving stability.
The mutiny ended on 17 November 2001, at around 7 AM, when armored personnel carriers and armed guards who had been there throughout the uprising were removed from the entrance to the JSO base. The base was visited by Andreja SaviÃÂ and Sreten LukiÃÂ.
Duà ¡an SpasojeviÃÂ, the leader of the Zemun Clan, was one of the main organizers of the mutiny. In the intercepted telephone conversations between him and JSO commander Duà ¡an MariÃÂiÃÂ, held on 9 and 11 November, Spasojeviàdiscussed the mutiny, the next steps JSO needs to take and how to tactically coordinate the event's media coverage.
According to the testimony of Zoran VukojeviÃÂ "Vuk", a protected witness in the trial for the assassination of Zoran ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ, members of the Zemun Clan visited the Special Operations Unit base in Kula every day during the uprising and influenced journalists. He also testified that SpasojeviÃÂ was planning on making lawyer Gradimir NaliÃÂ the Interior Minister if MihajloviÃÂ were to resign.
Additionally, on 12 November, district prosecutor Rade TerziÃÂ informed the Fourth Municipal Prosecutors' Office that the JSO was demanding the release of Mile LukoviÃÂ "Kum" and several other Zemun Clan members from custody. His request was declined. TerziÃÂ later released LukoviÃÂ from custody himself, due to lack of evidence, on 16 November.
President of FR Yugoslavia Vojislav Koà ¡tunica supported the rebellion, saying that "these were people who did not endanger the country's security". At one point, he seemingly quoted a public statement by Milorad Ulemek on the matter, justifying the JSO protesting fully armed and uniformed. Later, Koà ¡tunica would assess the coincidence of his statement with Ulemek's as "unimportant". Rade BulatoviÃÂ, Koà ¡tunica's security advisor and later State Security Service director, supported Saviàand Bracanoviàat the helm of the Service, publishing the article "Pobeda patriotizma" (Victory of Patriotism) on the topic in the March 2002 issue of NIN magazine. Koà ¡tunica's potential role in the mutiny would repeatedly come into question in the following years. Goran Petroviàhas described the event as a "counter-revolution" prepared by Koà ¡tunica.
The president of New Serbia Velimir IliÃÂ supported the mutiny, with the caveat that it would "complicate the security situation in the country".
The Socialist Party of Serbia also supported the mutiny.
Vice president of the Christian Democratic Party of Serbia à ½ivojin Stijepiàopposed the mutiny and said the leaders of the JSO should be replaced.
Deputy Prime Minister MomÃÂilo Perià ¡iàattributed the event to post-traumatic stress disorder.
Minister of Agriculture Dragan Veselinov and the Social Democratic Union led by Deputy Prime Minister à ½arko Koraàadvocated for a dissolution of the JSO following the mutiny.
Milorad Ulemek was interviewed for the magazine ID on 21 November by Gradià ¡a KatiÃÂ, later arrested during Operation Sabre. In the interview, he insisted the event was a protest instead of a mutiny, saying "if it were a mutiny, we would have taken over all Government offices by Saturday".
On 12 March 2003, ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ was assassinated in the yard of the Serbian government headquarters. He was killed by Zvezdan JovanoviÃÂ, the then assistant commander of the Special Operations Unit. On 25 March 2003, the Special Operations Unit was disbanded.
In June 2003, a document from the Military Security Administration was uncovered describing a meeting that took place in November 2001 between Security Directorate chief Aco TomiÃÂ, President Koà ¡tunica's advisor Rade BulatoviÃÂ, former RSK Prime Minister Borislav MikeliÃÂ, Milorad Ulemek and Duà ¡an SpasojeviÃÂ, during which Tomiàguaranteed that the Cobras military police unit would not intervene against the JSO. Tomiàdenied the validity of this document, stating that the meeting took place only in August or September 2002 when Spasojeviàwished to congratulate him for the arrest of MomÃÂilo Perià ¡iàand Mikeliàagreed to introduce the two.
The indictment for the assassination of Prime Minister ÃÂinÃÂiàstates that the JSO mutiny was the "beginning of creating a political environment for the assassination". On 11 November 2010, ÃÂinÃÂiÃÂ's mother's and sister's lawyer, SrÃÂa PopoviÃÂ, filed a criminal complaint with the Special Prosecutor's Office for Organized Crime against Ulemek, MariÃÂiÃÂ, Koà ¡tunica, Tomiàand five others for the participation in the mutiny.
The indictment was raised on 9 March 2012, but ultimately discarded the complaint against Vojislav Koà ¡tunica and Aco TomiÃÂ. The Higher Court in Belgrade found the accused not guilty in the first instance in July 2018, after which the Appellate Court acquitted them in June 2019.