Nihonjinron (: treatises on Japaneseness) is a genre of ethnocentric nationalist literary work that focuses on issues of Japanese national and cultural identity. Nihonjinron posits concepts such as Japanese being a "unique isolate, having no known affinities with any other race", and has been described as racist.
Nihonjinron literature flourished during a publishing boom after World War II with books and articles aiming to analyze, explain, or explore Japanese culture and cultural mindset.
History
Hiroshi Minami traces the origin of nihonjinron to before the Edo period.
The roots of the nihonjinron be traced back at least to the ("national studies") movement of the 18th century, with themes that are not dissimilar to those in the post-war nihonjinron.
Kokugaku
Kokugaku, beginning as a scholarly investigation into the philology of Japan's early classical literature, sought to recover and evaluate these texts, some of which were obscure and difficult to read, in order to appraise them positively and harvest them to determine and ascertain what were the original indigenous values of Japan before the introduction of Chinese civilization. Thus the exploration of early classical texts like the Kojiki and the Man'yÃ
ÂshÃ
« allowed scholars of Kokugaku, particularly the five great figures of KeichÃ
« (1640âÂÂ1701), Kada no Azumamaro (1669âÂÂ1736), Kamo no Mabuchi (1697âÂÂ1769), Motoori Norinaga (1730âÂÂ1801) and Hirata Atsutane (1776âÂÂ1843) to explore Japan's cultural differences with China, locate their sources in high antiquity, and deploy the results in a programmatic attempt to define the uniqueness of Japan against a foreign civilization. These scholars worked independently, and reached different conclusions, but by the 19th century were grouped together by a neo-Kokugakuist named Konakamura to establish the earliness of Japanese self-awareness. Chinese cultural beliefs, social rites and philosophical ideas exercised a political ascendancy for over a millennium within Japan, and informed the neo-Confucian ideology of the Tokugawa regime.
Meiji period
In the second half of the 19th century, under strong military and diplomatic pressure, and suffering from an internal crisis that led to the collapse of the Bakufu, Japan opened its ports, and subsequently the nation, to commerce with the outside world and reform that sought to respond vigorously to the challenges of modern industrial polities, as they were remarked on by Japanese observers in the United States and Europe. The preponderant place of China as model and cultural adversary in the cognitive models developed hitherto was occupied by the West. But, whereas Japan's traditional engagement with Chinese civilization was conducted in terms of a unilateral debate, now Japanese scholars and thinkers could read directly what Westerners, themselves fascinated by the 'exoticism' of Japanese culture, said and wrote of them. Japanese contact with, and responses to these emerging Western stereotypes, which reflected the superiority complex, condescension and imperial hauteur of the times, fed into Japanese debates on national identity. As Leslie Pincus puts it, speaking of a later phase:
There ensued an intense period of massive social and economic change, as, under the direction of a developmental elite, Japan moved from the closed world of centuries of Tokugawa rule (the so-called sakoku period) to Meiji Westernization, and, again in close conformity with the prevailing occidental paradigm, to imperialist adventurism with the growth of the colonialism. The TaishÃ
 period marked a slightly more 'liberal' turn, as the pendulum swung towards a renewed interest in the Western model ("Japan must undergo a second birth, with America as its new mother and France as its father"). With the crisis of 1929 and the concomitant depression of the 1930s, militarism gained the upper hand in this era of the , and nationalistic ideologies prevailed over all attempts to keep alive the moderate traditions of liberal modernity.
Postwar period
Total economic, military and spiritual mobilization could not stave off defeat however, and slowly, under occupation, and then rapidly with its reasserted independence, Japan enjoyed a decades-long resurgence as global industrial and economic powerhouse until the crisis of the 1990s. The cultural patterns over this century long trajectory is one of a continuous oscillation between models of pronounced Westernization and traditionalist autarky. Between the two alternatives, attempts were frequently made to mediate a conciliatory third way which would combine the best of both worlds: .
The frequency of these chronic transitional upheavals engendered a remarkable intensity of debate about national directions and identity ( kokuminsei; minzokusei), whose complexity over time renders a synthetic judgment or bird's-eye view of the literature in question rather difficult. A major controversy surrounds the question regarding the affiliation of the post-war nihonjinron theories with the prewar conceptualization of Japanese cultural uniqueness. To what degree, that is, are these meditations under democracy on Japanese uniqueness innocent reflections of a popular search for identity, and in what measure, if any, do they pick up from the instrumental ideology of Japaneseness developed by the government and nationalists in the prewar period to harness the energies of the nation towards industrialization and global imperium?
The questions are rendered more complex by the fact that in the early post-war period, the restoration of a 'healthy nationalism' was by no means something exclusive to right-wing cultural thinkers. An intense debate over the necessity to develop ideal, positive forms of national consciousness, regarded as a healthy civic identity, figures prominently in the early writings of Maruyama Masao, who called for a healthy , and in the prolific debates of members of the who preferred to speak of . These debates ranged from liberal center-left critics to radical Marxist historians.
Some scholars cite the destruction of many Japanese national symbols and the psychological blow of defeat at the end of World War II as one source of nihonjinron's enduring popularity, although it is not a uniquely 20th century phenomenon. In fact the genre is simply the Japanese reflex of cultural nationalism, which is a property of all modern nations. The trend of the tone of nihonjinron argument is often reflective of the Japanese society at the time. Dale, defines three phases in the development of post-war nihonjinron discourse in the period covered by Nomura: Tamotsu Aoki subsequently finessed the pattern by distinguishing four major phases in the post war identity discourse.
During the early post-war period, most of nihonjinron discourses discussed the uniqueness of the Japanese in a rather negative, critical light. The elements of feudalism reminiscent of the Imperial Japan were all castigated as major obstacles to Japan's reestablishment as a new democratic nation. Scholars such as Hisao Ã
Âtsuka, a Weberian sociologist, judged Japan with the measure of rational individualism and liberal democracy that were considered ideals in the U.S. and Western European nations back then. By the 1970s, however, with Japan enjoying a remarkable economic boom, Ã
Âtsuka began to consider the 'feudal residues' in a positive light, as a badge of Japan's distinctive difference from the West (Ã
Âtsuka, Kawashima, Doi 1976 passim). Nihonjinron books written during the period of high economic growth up to the bubble burst in the early 1990s, in contrast, argued various unique features of the Japanese as more positive features.
As cultural nationalism
Scholars such as Peter N. Dale (1986), Harumi Befu (1987), and Kosaku Yoshino (1992) view nihonjinron more critically, identifying it as a tool for enforcing social and political conformity. Dale, for example, characterizes nihonjinron as follows:
The emphasis on ingroup unity in nihonjinron writings, and its popularization during Japan's period of military expansion at the turn of the 20th century, has led some Western critics to brand it a form of ethnocentric nationalism. Karel van Wolferen echoes this assessment, observing a collectivism prevalent in the society.
Specific theses
- The Japanese race is a unique isolate, having no known affinities with any other race. In some extreme versions, the race is claimed to be directly descended from a distinct branch of primates.
- This isolation is due to the peculiar circumstances of living in an cut off from the promiscuous cross-currents of continental history, with its endless miscegenation of tribes and cultures. The island country in turn enjoys a whose peculiar rhythms, the supposed fact for example that Japan alone has , color Japanese thinking and behaviour. Thus, human nature in Japan is, peculiarly, an extension of nature itself.
- The Japanese language has a unique grammatical structure and native lexical corpus whose idiosyncratic syntax and connotations condition the Japanese to think in peculiar patterns unparalleled in other human languages. The Japanese language is also uniquely vague. Foreigners who speak it fluently therefore, may be correct in their usage, but the thinking behind it remains inalienably soaked in the alien framework of their original language's thought patterns. This is the Japanese version of the SapirâÂÂWhorf hypothesis, according to which grammar determines world-view.
- Japanese psychology, influenced by the language, is defined by a particular cast of that conduce to a unique form of , in which clearly defined boundaries between self and other are ambiguous or fluid, leading to a psychomental and social ideal of the .
- Japanese social structures consistently remould human associations in terms of an archaic characterized by , , and . As a result, the cannot properly exist, since will always prevail.
Major works
- Kuki, ShÃ
«zÃ
 (ä¹Â鬼å¨é ). 1930. ãÂÂãÂÂãÂÂãÂÂã®æ§Âé English tr. An Essay on Japanese Taste: The Structure of 'Iki. John Clark; Sydney, Power Publications, 1996.
- Watsuji, TetsurÃ
 (Ã¥ÂÂè¾»å²éÂÂ). 1935. Fûdo (風åÂÂ). Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten. trans. Geoffrey Bownas, as Climate. Unesco 1962.
- Japanese Ministry of Education (æÂÂé¨çÂÂ). 1937. Ã¥ÂÂé«Âã®æÂ¬ç¾© (Kokutai no hongi). tr. as Kokutai no hongi. Cardinal principles of the national entity of Japan, Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1949.
- Nishida, KitarÃ
 (西ç°幾å¤ÂéÂÂ). 1940. æÂ¥æÂ¾ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂã®åÂÂé¡ (Nihon Bunka no mondai). Tokyo.
- Nakane, Chie (ä¸Âæ ¹åÂÂæÂÂ). 1967. ã¿ãÂÂ社ä¼Âã®人éÂÂé¢俠(Human relations in a vertical society) English tr Japanese Society, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, UK, 1970.
- Mishima, Yukio (ä¸Âå³¶ç±ç´Â夫). 1969. Bunka Bôeiron (æÂÂÃ¥ÂÂé²è¡Âè«Â, A Defense of Culture). Tokyo, Japan: Shinchôsha.
- Doi, Takeo (Ã¥ÂÂå±Â
å¥éÂÂ). 1971. ãÂÂçÂÂãÂÂãÂÂã®æ§Âé (The Structure of 'Amae). Tokyo, Japan: Kôbundô. trans.The Anatomy of Dependence Kodansha, Tokyo 1974
- Izaya Ben-Dasan, ('translated' by Yamamoto Shichihei:å±±æÂ¬ä¸Âå¹³) 1972 NihonkyÃ
 ni tsuite (æÂ¥æÂ¾ÂÂã«ã¤ãÂÂã¦), Tokyo, Bungei Shunjû
- Hisao, Ã
Âtsuka, Takeyoshi, Kawashima, Takeo, Doi. ãÂÂAmaeãÂÂto shakai kagaku.Tokyo, KÃ
ÂbundÃ
 1976
- Tsunoda, Tadanobu (è§Âç°忠信). 1978. Nihonjin no NÃ
 (æÂ¥æÂ¬äººã®è³âÂÂè³ã®åÂÂãÂÂã¨æÂ±è¥¿ã®æÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ, The Japanese brain). Tokyo, Japan: TaishÃ
«kan Shoten (大修館æÂ¸åºÂ) .
- Murakami, Yasusuke (æÂÂä¸Â泰亮), Kumon Shunpei (Ã¥Â
¾ÂÂä¿Âå¹³), SatÃ
 SeizaburÃ
 (ä½Âè¤誠ä¸ÂéÂÂ). 1979. The 'Ie' Society as a Civilization (æÂÂæÂÂã¨ãÂÂã¦ã®ã¤ã¨社ä¼Â) Tokyo, Japan: ChÃ
«Ã
 KÃ
Âronsha.
See also
References
Bibliography
- Amino, Yoshihiko (ç¶²éÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ彦) 1993 Nihonron no shiza: RettÃ
 no shakai to kokka (æÂ¥æÂ¬è«Âã®è¦Â座) Tokyo, Shôgakkan
- Amino, Yoshihiko (ç¶²éÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ彦). 1978 Muen, kugai, raku: Nihon chÃ
«sei no jiyÃ
« to heiwa (ç¡ç¸ÂãÂȌÂ
ÂÂã»楽. æÂ¥æÂ¬ä¸Âä¸Âã®èªç±ã¨平åÂÂ:Muen, kugai, raku: Peace and freedom in medieval Japan), Tokyo, Heibonsha
- Befu, Harumi (å¥åºÂæÂ¥æµ·) 1987 Ideorogë toshite no nihonbunkaron (ã¤ãÂÂãªãÂÂã®ã¼ã¨ãÂÂã¦ã®æÂ¥æÂ¬äººè«Â, Nihonjinron as an ideology). Tokyo, Japan: ShisÃ
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- Berque, Augustin. 1986 Le sauvage et l'artifice: Les Japonais devant la nature. Paris, Gallimard.
- Burns, Susan L., 2003 Before the Nation - Kokugaku and the Imagining of Community in Early Modern Japan, Duke University Press, Durham, London.
- Gayle, Curtis Anderson, 2003 Marxist History and Postwar Japanese Nationalism, RoutledgeCurzon, London, New York
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- Gill, Robin D. 1984Omoshiro Hikaku-bunka-kÃ
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- Hijiya-Kirschnereit, Irmela 1988 Das Ende der Exotik Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp
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- Mazzei, Franco, 1997. Japanese Particularism and the Crisis of Western Modernity, Ca' Foscari University of Venice.
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- Mouer, Ross & Sugimoto, Yoshio, Images of Japanese Society, London: Routledge, 1986
- Nomura Research Institute. 1979. Sengo Nihonjinron NenpyÃ
 (æÂ¦å¾ÂæÂ¥æÂ¬äººè«Â年表, Chronology of post-war Nihonjinron). Tokyo, Japan: Nomura Research Institute.
- Sugimoto Yoshio (æÂÂæÂÂ¯å¤«) 1993 Nihonjin o yameru hÃ
ÂhÃ
Â, Tokyo, Chikuma Bunko.
- Sugimoto, Yoshio & Ross Mouer (eds.) 1989 Constructs for Understanding Japan, Kegan Paul International, London and New York.
- Sugimoto, Yoshio (æÂÂæÂÂ¯å¤«) and Mouer, Ross.(eds.) 1982 Nihonjinron ni kansuru 12 shô (æÂ¥æÂ¬äººè«Âã«é¢ãÂÂãÂÂ12ç« ) Tokyo, GakuyÃ
 ShobÃ
Â
- Sugimoto, Yoshio (æÂÂæÂÂ¯å¤«)1983 ChÃ
Â-kanri rettô Nippon (è¶Â
管çÂÂãÂÂãÂÂãÂÂã³, Nippon. The Hyper-Control Archipelago) Tokyo, KÃ
Âbunsha.
- Sugimoto, Yoshio and Mouer, Ross. 1982 Nihonjin wa ãÂÂNihontekiãÂÂka (æÂ¥æÂ¬äººã¯ãÂÂæÂ¥æÂÂÂãÂÂãÂÂ) Tokyo, TÃ
ÂyÃ
 Keizai ShinpÃ
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- Sugimoto, Yoshio and Mouer, Ross. 1995. Nihonjinron no HÃ
Âteishiki (æÂ¥æÂ¬äººè«Âã®æÂ¹ç¨Âå¼Â, the Equation of Nihonjinron). Tokyo, Japan: Chikuma ShobÃ
Â
- Yoshino, Kosaku. 1992. Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan: A Sociological Enquiry. London, UK: Routledge.
Additional
- S. N. Eisenstadt, translated by Junichi Umetsu et al. in Japan: Comparative Civilization Studies, 1,2, Iwanami Shoten, 2004.
- Yoko Kudo, Introduction to the Critique of European Civilization: Colonies, Republics and Orientalism, University of Tokyo Press, 2003.
- Reiko Shimokawa, The Confucianism of Kitabatake Chikabo, Perikansha, 2001.
- Hiroyuki Tamakake, Studies in the History of Japanese Medieval Thought, Perikansha, 1998.
- Terumasa Nakanishi, A History of National Civilization, Fusosha, 2003.
- Sadao Nishijima, The Ancient East Asian World and Japan, Iwanami Modern Library, 2000.
- Takeshi Hamashita, The Tribute System and Modern Asia, Iwanami Shoten, 1997.
- Yuko Yoshino, The Structure of the Emperor's Accession Ceremony, Kobundo, 1987.
- Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and Japan in the 21st Century, translated by Suzuki Shuzei, Shueisha Shinsho, 2000.
- Diversification of the World: Family Structure and Modernity, translated by Emmanuel Todd and Fumitaka Ogino.
- Tadao Umesao, What is Japan: The Formation and Development of Modern Japanese Civilization, Japan Broadcasting Corporation Press, 1986.
- Umesao Tadao, 77 Keys to Japanese Civilization, Bungeishunju, 2005.
- Shinichiro Fujio, The Jomon Controversy, Kodansha, 2002.
- Heita Kawakatsu, Japanese Civilization and the Modern West: Rethinking the "Closed Country", Japan Broadcasting Corporation Press, 1991.
- Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations, Shueisha, 1998.
- RyÃ
ÂtarÃ
 Shiba, The Shape of Japanese Civilization: Selected Dialogues of RyÃ
ÂtarÃ
 Shiba (5), Bungeishunju, 2006.
- RyÃ
ÂtarÃ
 Shiba, The Shape of Japanese Civilization: Selected Dialogues of RyÃ
ÂtarÃ
 Shiba, Bungeishunju, 2006.
- Kotaro Takemura, Solving the Mystery of Japanese Civilization: Hints for Thinking about the 21st Century, Seiryu Shuppan, 2003.
- Terumasa Nakanishi, The Rise and Fall of Japanese Civilization: This Country at the Crossroads, PHP Institute, 2006.
- Tetsuo Yamaori, "What is Japanese Civilization?", Kadokawa Shoten, 2004.
- Shuji Yagi, The Individuality of Japan: An Introduction to the Theory of Japanese Civilization, Ikuhosha, 2008.
- The Association for the Creation of New History Textbooks, New History Textbooks, Fusosha, 2001.
- Nishio Mikiji, New History Textbook Wo Tsukuru Kai, Kokumin no Rekishi (History of the People), Sankei Shimbun News Service, 1999.
External links