A ( ; ), also known as a () or () in some dialects, is a formal MÃÂori welcoming ceremony onto a , involving speeches, cultural performance, singing and finally the . The term also refers specifically to an action chant of welcome that is sometimes performed as part of the general .
Traditionally, the was a way by which the ('people of the land') could determine the intentions of ('visitors'), so as to avoid conflict. The is a cultural practice deeply rooted in MÃÂori mythology. It serves the purpose of spiritually clearing a path for communication, so that the two groups can meet in a safe and productive way. The details of the ('protocols') of the vary between , but the general structure of the ceremony is broadly similar across all ('tribes').
are still commonly practised to welcome important guests onto a . A may not be performed for every group of visitors or in all circumstances; the () is a similar but less formal welcome that may be used instead. A is often used to welcome the ('body of the deceased') onto a before a ('funeral'). are also often performed for tourist groups and as part of special events.
While the general form of the is fairly consistent, (' protocol') varies between regions, tribal groupings and individual . In the MÃÂori language, the visitors to a are called , while the people of the are called ('people of the land'), or ('home people').
Before the begins, the visitors gather outside the entrance. Entrances vary widely; at some there may be a ('standing post') or a carved ornamental gate, at others there may simply be a marker stone, or even nothing at all. Some feature a small waiting building or shelter that sometimes includes seating, and they may even have toilets for the convenience of the waiting guests.
While gathering it is usual for the visitors to greet each other, and discuss who will perform the various roles during the . If a ('gift to the hosts') has not been organised previously, contributions may be collected at this time. The is usually handed to the person who will be the last speaker for the visitors. When the hosts are ready for the , one of them may approach the visitors to let them know. When the visitors are ready, they gather together at the entrance to the marae, where the hosts can see them.
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The today is a ceremonial challenge made at very formal , usually just for very important dignitaries, including foreign leaders or officials. The literal meaning of is 'to throw a spear', though no spear is thrown in the ceremony. The original purpose of the was for the people of the to find out whether the visitors were coming with peaceful or hostile intentions. Warriors were dispatched to meet the approaching outsiders, and test whether they came in peace.
In the , male ceremonial warriors of the make a ritual challenge to the visitors. The warriors may perform a ('posture dance'), and carry weapons such as (fighting staffs). A warrior of the will come forward, and place on the ground a ('token'). The usually takes the form of a small branch with leaves, or in some places a carved ceremonial dart. The position of the can be significant, as an indicator of whether the visitors can expect a warm welcome or not.
In highly formal settings, there may be three warriors who come forward to issue the , one after another. The first challenge is called the ('warning baton'), the second is the ('baton laid down'), and the third is the ('baton that clears the way'). In each case, once the has been placed, the warrior retreats some short distance to observe the visitors. Once placed, one of the most honoured male members of visitors approaches, and picks up the . Once the final has been picked up, the warrior will turn their back to the visitors, hold their above their head with the point toward the , and begin to lead the procession of the visitors onto the .
Except when there is a , the begins when a woman from the hosts starts a ('call'), which is a long, high-pitched wailing chant that ends in a fading, falling pitch. The beginning of the signals to the visitors that they should begin walking onto the ('open courtyard in front of the meeting house'). The order in which the visitors form up depends on the of the . In some areas men go first, in other areas women lead. Sometimes three or four ('callers') may call the visitors.
The words of a follow a pattern, but they are not set, and the caller varies them according to the purpose of the gathering, and the identity of the visitors in the party being welcomed. The will usually welcome the visitors and invoke the dead. It may refer by name to the visitors' tribe or , their ancestors, and their significant landmarks, such as rivers and mountains. It will typically invite the visitors to bring the spirits of their dead to be mourned. often wear black as a sign of mourning.
The is considered sacred. It is the first words that pass between the people of the and the visitors. The conveys the of the and the caller is aware of her responsibility. are typically women who are at least 60 years old and are recognised callers at the . Young women do not unless there is no older woman to do it. Younger women often do not while their mother, grandmother or elder sister is still alive, unless the elder relative has relinquished to them their own right to . While women are often not permitted to give a ('formal speech') on the , it is women who do the , and if a woman with is not present (or willing) to call, the should not proceed and men will not be doing any .
One or more callers from the visitorsâÂÂcalled ('repliers')âÂÂwalk near the front of the procession of guests and call in reply to the . If the hosts are aware, before the start, that a group of visitors do not have a woman who can call, they may send one of their own to the entrance to join them and call for them. Alternatively, the guests may enter without calling in response. Ideally when one begins to fade, another should begin, so that alternate back and forth between the two sides as the guests enter the . In practice, sometimes the overlap, so that one may be midway through while another is still finishing and a third one is starting. The from the visitors may acknowledge the meeting house, farewell the dead, indicate where the group is from and who is in the group, and refer to their reason for coming or the purpose of the gathering.
Sometimes an elder among the visitors chants a ('farewell') as he enters the and the women are calling. This is most common at a , where the is directed at the dead person, but it can also be performed on other occasions.
An action chant of welcome called a , or sometimes , is performed by the host people on some occasions, usually for distinguished visitors or for the arrival of the body of a deceased person for their . It may start before or during the and at some point the two will be occurring simultaneously. Women predominate in the , and men join in behind them. The performers move their hands in unison, lowering them to touch their thighs and then raising them to just above their heads. The women often hold fronds of green leaves in each hand, especially to welcome a deceased person. They shake the fronds continuously, especially when they are raised. The words of a often refer symbolically to the hauling ashore of the visitors' ('canoe').
The visitors walk to the centre of the then pause for a while to remember the dead. Once they have stood for long enough, the hosts may indicate through spoken words or a final that the guests should come closer and take their place on the seats provided for them.
The is the formal speech-making of the ('meeting'). The may take place inside the ('meeting house'), or outside on the . If held indoors, the visitors stop to remove their shoes before entering the . Seating is usually arranged such that the guests and the hosts are facing one another. It is important that both groups be seated at the same level, such that speakers face one-another eye-to-eye. In most cases, women sit behind the men, and speakers sit at the front. The is the bench on which the host speakers sit, and can also refer to the covered seating at the threshold of the meeting house.
The speakers of the are called , and the role is typically an honour afforded to people with particularly high ('standing'). The hosts can refuse an individual the right to speak, though this is rare. In the of many , may only be given in the MÃÂori language. During a typical , the speaker may greet the , the , the land on which they stand, nearby mountains and rivers, the people to whom they are speaking, and the spirits of the dead. Once the ('greetings') are completed, the purpose of the meeting will be addressed. After each speech, a ('song') is usually sung to support the speaker.
The final guest speaker will end their speech by placing the ('gift') on the ground before the hosts. This will be picked up and accepted by the final host speaker, who always speaks after the guests. Spiritually, this is an important part of the process, as it ensures that the ('life force') of the returns to hosts, and does not leave with the visitors when they leave. A final may be performed before the is picked up, to welcome the gift. Protocols around the picking up of the vary between .
is an art, as well as something of a competition, in which each side attempts to one-up the other with the quality of their oratory and message. Speakers may gesture with ('walking sticks'), or weapons such as ('adzes') and . Silently walking up and down, as well as performative ducking and turning, may be used to add emphasis to parts of the speech. Even today, the can be a quite robust debate on contentious topics. For example, during the for Te Matatini in 2023, leaders from Tainui and NgÃÂti WhÃÂtua à ÂrÃÂkei debated who had the right to be called ('those with authority over the land') in (Auckland).
The for speech-making varies between regions and . There are two main types. Under the style (also sometimes called or ), the hosts give all of their speeches one after the other, before inviting the guests to make their speeches. Once the guest speakers are finished, a speaker from the hosts will speak last. Under the () style (also sometimes called , , or ), the hosts and guests alternate speeches, beginning and ending with a speaker from the hosts. Depending on the number of speakers, the hosts may yield the ('life force') of the to the guests to balance the speeches.
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The final part of the process is the . This is where a physical connection is made between the visitors and hosts. In this process, the visitors will cross to the and file past the hosts, shaking hands () and pressing noses or foreheads together. The gesture of represents several things; to some it represents the sharing of the breath of life, to others it represents sharing of thoughts.
The spiritual importance of the is that it connects the two groups physically. This completes the process of the , by lifting the state of ('sacredness') that was created when the began. By physically touching the hosts, the guests become ('common, or normal'), essentially joining to become members of the for the duration of the visit. In recent yearsâÂÂparticularly after the COVID-19 pandemicâÂÂsome have adjusted their ('protocol') to require only handshakes, fistbumps or elbow touches for the hongi.
Once the has been lifted, the guests are free to move around the . From then on, they are no longer ('first-time visitors'), and are accorded many of the same privileges accorded to for the duration of their stay. In future, they may now be permitted to enter the without a . Once the is completed, the way is clear for more general business of the to be discussed. This is known as the ('discussion') and may be conducted in English or MÃÂori, depending on the nature of the business.
After the formal procedure of the is completed, the visitors will usually be called to the ('dining hall') to share a meal. It may be a substantial ('feast') involving , or a modest morning tea. As well as providing hospitality to the visitors, the sharing of food lifts the of the , returning participants to a state of and to ordinary life.
Spiritually, the represents the coming-together of two different groups of people. The formal proceeding has the purpose of clearing a pathway for a constructive and safe discussion, without the risk of spiritual impediments.
The process of the is rooted in MÃÂori mythology. Various are associated with parts of the and the . For example, , the god of war, is associated with the challenge of the . The is sometimes referred to as the (the standing place of the god of war). Contentious , as far as including insults, may be considered permissible on the for this reason. The of the is considered the domain of , the god of peace, and therefore the language used within the building is usually expected to be more polite and conciliatory. This separation of war and peace is similarly the reason for the removal of shoes when entering the ; this is to prevent dust from the house of war entering the house of peace.
== == A is a less formal welcoming ceremony. The process of a may include many aspects of a , but the protocol is somewhat relaxed.
A key difference between a and is usually (but not always) the absence of the calling the visitors into the meeting place. For some iwi, a true can only take place on an ancestral , and so would be inappropriate to perform elsewhere. If a involves a , it may be modified to a more generic call of welcome that does not invoke the spirits of the dead; this can enable younger women or even young girls to issue it. By modifying or omitting the , the spiritual ('need for respect') of the meeting is not established, and therefore other protocols can be relaxed. This can enable the speeches to be made in English, or by a woman, or for the welcome to take place somewhere other than a , such as a convention centre or a school hall. For this reason, a may be a way to safely incorporate elements of MÃÂori culture into a non-MÃÂori context, without devaluing the traditional importance of a , or engaging in tokenism.
The serves the same purpose as the full ; it establishes the ('relationship of shared experience') between two groups. may be conducted to begin conferences, or to welcome new students to a school.
are a common feature of ('funerals'). During a , the ('body of the deceased') is transported to the . In MÃÂori culture, death is a highly subject; therefore it is important that a is performed to welcome the deceased onto the . The calls the spirits of other dead ancestors to the , so that the spirit of the recently dead may join them.
Historically in many , women have not had the right to speak during the , or to accept the during the , and are expected to sit behind the men during the . These aspects of are still in practice in many places today. Some , such as NgÃÂti Porou, do accept the right of women to stand and , though, as it is for men, this right is only afforded to women with sufficient mana. Women are typically permitted to speak during the general discussions that occur after the formal has completed; the prohibition does not usually extend to general conversation outside the formality of the .
The prohibition on women speaking has been a point of controversy in modern times. At Waitangi Day in 2021, Judith CollinsâÂÂat the time, leader of the New Zealand National PartyâÂÂcomplained that she was not permitted to speak during the formal welcome onto the Waitangi Treaty Grounds, describing the tradition as "sexist". This comment came in spite of the prime minister Jacinda ArdernâÂÂalso a womanâÂÂspeaking during the same event. Collins has complained about what she perceives as the sexism of the as far back as mid-2000s. In 2006, she and fellow female politicians Anne Tolley and Paula Bennett walked out of a , after being rebuked by a for sitting in the front with the men. At the time she said she felt she was being treated as a "second class guest" and that as a member of parliament, her gender should be irrelevant to where she sits. It later transpired that Child, Youth and FamilyâÂÂwho were hosting the âÂÂin fact had a policy that women were permitted to sit at the front. Prime minister Helen Clark described Collins's behaviour during the as "".
Hiwi Tauroa asserted that to interpret the role of women in the as female suppression, one must evaluate the process solely from a non-MÃÂori perspective. In MÃÂori culture, the and of a woman demands that she not be targeted with abusive speech, which can occur as part of the ; for this reason they are not permitted to speak, lest they be responded to in an abusive way. He also points to the other critical roles in the that can only be performed by women, particularly the and the . These roles arise from the high placed on women on the , which grant them some supremacy over men. Through these roles, women can assert significant control over proceedings. For example, a woman may terminate a speech that she considers to have gone on too long by beginning the closing , or walking in front of the speaker. Similarly, the can only be issued by a woman. Therefore, if a woman is unwilling to welcome the visitors for some reason, the cannot even begin, and the visitors must remain outside. In this way, the embodies the ('power of the women').
Georgina Stewart echoes Tauroa's interpretation of the role of women in the . She argues that the accusation of sexism stems from non-MÃÂori ignorance of MÃÂori culture. The interpretation of MÃÂori culture by non-MÃÂoriâÂÂand attempts to "box-tick" MÃÂori culture into non-MÃÂori contextsâÂÂleads to a misinterpretation of the role of women in the space. Ultimately, she rejects feminist criticism of the as another example of colonisation, the imposition of Western cultural beliefs onto MÃÂori. In a review of MÃÂori reactions to non-MÃÂori claims of sexism, political scientist Katherine Curchin concludes that MÃÂori women overwhelmingly reject such criticism, as they understand it to be an attack from the outside on the MÃÂori worldview. Even MÃÂori women who themselves are internally critical of the restrictions on women in the , often reject the same criticism when it comes from outsiders.
The role of women in the has been gradually changing in modern times, with women taking on more speaking roles in the . Since the 1990s, female dignatoriesâÂÂparticularly the Prime MinisterâÂÂhave been increasingly permitted to speak at Waitangi. Some MÃÂori women have strongly criticised the prohibition on women speaking, particularly when the right has been afforded to non-MÃÂori women but not MÃÂori women. Mere Mangu of NgÃÂpuhi has often stood and given a on the Waitangi Treaty grounds, in direct opposition to the of the . In 2024, women had speaking roles in the ceremonies that occurred at Waitangi.
In addition to speaking roles, the role of ('challenger') has also been opening to women in modern times. Beginning in the 2010s, NgÃÂti Waewae women were allowed to perform the , as a re-assertion of . Records show that in their , women had historically performed the , but the practice had ended several generations previously. Te Amo TamainuâÂÂa young woman with experience in âÂÂwas selected to be in 2015, when Minister for Treaty Negotiations Chris Finlayson made an apology to on behalf of the Crown at near Hokitika. A video of the event went viral.
During the 2005 general election, Don Brash, the leader of the New Zealand National Party and later the founder of the anti-MÃÂori lobby group Hobson's Pledge, criticised the use of in welcoming foreign visitors, "when the only official welcome they have is a Maori New Zealander jumping around half-naked. [...] I think there is a place for Maori culture but why is it that we always use a semi-naked male, sometimes quite pale-skinned Maori, leaping around in [...] mock battle?"
The right-wing Danish MP Marie Krarup visited New Zealand in March 2013, and wrote that "the screaming, the shouting, the half-naked men", dressed in a "grass skirt", at a to welcome her group to the Royal New Zealand Navy's were "grotesque". Colin Craig, the leader of the Conservative Party, sided with her statement by saying no visitors should have to face a "bare-bottomed native making threatening gestures" if they did not want to.