Yi à ¬imin (; died 7 May 1196) was a powerful military dictator during the late Goryeo period who dominated the Goryeo government prior to the Mongol Invasions. When his rival, Commander Kyà Âng Taesà Âng, died, Yi à ¬imin rose to power in the Council of Generals as Supreme General and tongjungsà  munha p'yà Ângjangsa p'an pyà Ângbu sa. He rose from a humble background to wield power for 12 years (1184âÂÂ1196) during the early phase of the Goryeo Military Regime. Known for his physical strength and ruthlessness, he played key roles in quelling rebellions and consolidating military rule, but was eventually assassinated by Ch'oe Ch'unghà Ân, marking the end of his regime and the beginning of the Choe military dictatorship.
In a rigidly stratified society, Yi was born into one of the lowest social classes. His father Yi SÃ Ân () was a salt and sieves trader and his mother was a slave at Okryeongsa Temple, located in Yeonil-hyeon. According to the History of Goryeo, he was as tall as 8 ch'Ã Âk or 1m 90 cm and possessed remarkable physical strength. Yi's pon'gwan was from Gyeongju.
Yi à ¬imin and his two brothers became notorious local troublemakers. They were eventually arrested on orders from the regional inspector Kim Chayang () and rigorously tortured â his two brothers died, but Yi survived and was sent to the capital defense command (), likely to remove him from local disturbances. Yi brought his wife and moved to the capital, Kaegyà Âng. His impressive physique and martial skill in subak (hand-to-hand combat) caught the attention of King Uijong, who promoted him from sublieutenant () to subcolonel ().
In August 1170, the Military Revolt of 1170 dramatically changed Yi's life. Military commanders like Chà Âng Chungbu, Yi à ¬ibang, and Yi Ko overthrew the civil-dominated regime, deposed King Uijong, and slaughtered many civil officials. Yi à ¬imin actively participated in the coup. Records note: âÂÂYi à ¬imin killed many during Chà Âng Chungbu's revolt and was promoted to senior colonel (), soon after becoming a general ().âÂÂ
In August 1173, Kim Podang, a military commander in the northeast, attempted a counter-coup by rescuing the exiled King Uijong and bringing him from Geoje to Gyeongju attempting to reinstate Uijong who had been dethroned by the political power of Chà Âng Chungbu. As a result, Chà Âng Chungbu then ordered Yi to return Uijong from his place of exile, Geoje, by rebel forces, only to kill him on his way back in Gyeongju. Though Uijong had once favored and promoted Yi, Yi murdered him brutallyâÂÂafter drinking with him at a pond near Gonwonsa Temple, he beat the king to death, breaking his spine and laughing at the sound. His accomplice Pak Chonwi () wrapped the body in a blanket and dumped it between two cauldrons in a pond. A monk retrieved only the cauldrons, leaving the body to float for days. Yi and Park boasted of this deed and were promoted â Yi became a Grand General ().
After killing Uijong, YiâÂÂs career soared. He become the highest-ranking military official: supreme general (), for the credit of putting down the Revolt of Cho Wich'ong (1174âÂÂ1176), the governor of Pyongyang in the northwest and was wounded by an arrow in the eye but continued to fight.
During this time, Chà Âng Chungbu held power. Yi continued to build his reputation by suppressing remaining rebels. However, in 1179, Kyà Âng Taesà Âng assassinated Chà Âng Chungbu and seized control. Kyà Âng, though a fellow general, resented Yi for killing the king, famously saying, "The kingâÂÂs murderer still livesâÂÂwhat is there to celebrate?" Feeling threatened, Yi gathered elite troops and fortified his home. Kyà Âng formed his own private guard (tobang) and tensions escalated.
In 1181, Yi was appointed Minister of Justice and dispatched to the frontier. When Kyà Âng executed his own confidant Hà  Sà Âng () for arrogance, rumors falsely reached Yi that Kyà Âng had been killed. Delighted, Yi exclaimed, "I wanted to kill him myself, but someone beat me to it!" Kyà Âng heard this, and Yi, afraid, feigned illness and returned to his hometown. Yi lacked a strong enough base to challenge him directly. Anticipating an attack, Yi recruited bodyguards and built a large gate ("Yomun") at his village for protection. Yi was powerful, and Kyà Âng's reformist, pro-civil policies alienated other generals, making it hard to eliminate Yi outright. Nevertheless, feeling insecure, he eventually returned to Gyeongju, feigning illness.
When Kyà Âng died by disease in 1183, King Myeongjong called Yi in to Kaegyà Âng. Not believing the death of Kyà Âng, Yi refused the king's request several times, but finally came to Kaegyà Âng after realizing Kyà Âng's death.
Yi who was commissioned as a su-sagong chwa pogya () by Myeongjong had gotten a position of Chancellor of State (tongjungsà  munha p'yà Ângjangsa p'an pyà Ângbu sa ()) in 1190 additionally. Though the official reason was fear of rebellion in Gyeongju, it was more likely that the king had deeper motives. Myeongjong, who had become king due to the military revolt, likely saw Kyà Âng's desire to âÂÂrestore the pastâ as a threat not only to the military regime but also to his own legitimacy. Thus, he may have preferred Yi, a fellow beneficiary of the revolt. At the same time, he appointed famed strongman Tu Kyà Ângsà Âng () to counterbalance Yi. The two reportedly clashed often. Goryeosa records in one meeting, Yi smashed a column with his fist to show off. Tu retaliated by cracking a wall with his punch. The farce became so famous that people mocked it with satirical poems.
After returning to the capital, Yi used a strategy of co-opting fellow military leaders. Even those who had been suppressed under Kyà Âng Taesà Âng, like Yi Yà Ângjin () and Son Sà Âk, re-entered political life. YiâÂÂs regime included both former allies and enemies of Kyà Âng, suggesting he tried to absorb all factions. This approach, however, was seen by some as a shallow attempt to gain prestige.
YiâÂÂs regime brought institutional changes. He appointed military men to roles in the Institute of Palace Attendants () and the Tea Chamber () â positions previously reserved for civil officials or noble youth. Even Ch'oe Sebo (), who was reportedly illiterate, was appointed to co-editor of state history (), a role normally given to respected scholars. King Myeongjong even renamed the post, changing the character å² to 亠to accommodate him.
People began calling Yi the "New Road Chancellor" (sindo chaesang)âÂÂallegedly because he built levees and planted willows. But the nickname likely symbolized how different he was from previous chancellors, not just his civil works. But as his authority grew, so did his tyranny.
Yi's brutality did not end with his rise to powerâÂÂit worsened. He took bribes, seized homes and land, and forced marriages with beautiful women only to discard them. Officials were too afraid to challenge him. Yi's wife, Madam Ch'oe, was notorious for killing servants such as a maid out of jealousy and had an affair with a male servant. His sons, especially Yi Chiyà Âng and Yi Chigwang, were infamous for violence and rape, earning the nickname "ssangdoja" (ìÂÂëÂÂìÂÂ, éÂÂÃ¥ÂÂÃ¥ÂÂ; meaning âÂÂTwin Blades)â by repute. Even his daughter was known for her promiscuity, and her son, appointed as a commander, was equally ruthless.
When the Silla restoration movement by Kim Sami and Hyosim broke out in Gyeongju, Yi sent his son Yi Chisun to suppress themâÂÂbut instead, Ji-sun colluded with rebels and amassed wealth. Yi, believing in a prophecy that "the dragon's line ends in 12 generations, and then comes the eighteen Sons," interpreted "eighteen" as the character for "Yi (æÂÂ)" and dreamt of reviving Silla and becoming king. This led to suspicions that he supported the rebellions. General Chà Ân Chon'gà Âl, the overall commander, was so enraged by the corruption that he committed suicide.
In 1196, Yi à ¬imin's son, Yi Chiyà Âng, stole a pigeon from Ch'oe Ch'ungsu, the younger brother of Ch'oe Ch'unghà Ân. When Ch'oe Ch'ungsu went to retrieve his birds, he was instead tied up. The angered Ch'oe convinced his older brother, Ch'oe Ch'unghà Ân, to overthrow Yi's regime. Yi had turned down King Myeongjong's request to accompany him to Pojesa temple () by making an excuse about his ill physical condition and went instead out to a cottage on Mita Mountain. Hearing it, the Ch'oe brothers made their way to the cottage and killed Yi, ambushing him when he came out of the cottage and was about to climb on a horse.
Having successfully carried out the assassination, the Ch'oe brothers immediately head to Kaegyà Âng, where they exposed the head of Yi on the street and called up troops with help from general Paek Chonyu (). Hearing the news, King Myeongjong at the Bojesa temple hurried his way back to Kaegyà Âng.
Yi's sons Chisun and Chigwang battled against the Ch'oe brothers only to run away in the end after having struggled on the defensive. As they flee, the Ch'oe brothers led their troops to the palace to ask Myeongjong to allow them to put down the remaining insurgents loyal to Yi. With their authority granted by the Myeongjong, the Ch'oe brothers closed up the castle gates to deter fleeing and went on to detain Yi's followers one by one. Notably, many of his key military allies had already died: Cho Wà Ânjà Âng and Sà Âk Rin were executed in 1188 for treason; Paek Imji, Pak Sunp'il, and Yi Yà Ângjin died in 1191; Choe Sebo died in 1193. This suggests that the generation of military leaders who led the 1170 coup was fading Meanwhile, they had general Han Hu capture and kill Yi Chiyà Âng amid his frolick with Kisaengs.
After this, Ch'oe Ch'unghà Ân killed all families and relatives of Yi à ¬imin, and even sent people to every regions of the nation, wiping out all followers and slaves of Yi's. The two surviving sons of Yi à ¬imin, Yi Chisun and Yi Chigwang, returned to Ch'oe Ch'unghà Ân to beg for mercy and their pardon, but Ch'oe killed both of them, eradicating the last of Yi's clan.
Unlike predecessors like Yi à ¬ibang, Chà Âng Chungbu, or Kyà Âng Taesà Âng, Yi lacked strong family backing or civil service credentials. Still, the core members of YiâÂÂs regime were those who shared his political views, such as Ch'oe Sebo, who rose to second-highest ministerial rank despite being ranked fourth. Mun Kà Âkkyà Âm (), who was ahead of Ch'oe in rank, declined promotion, likely due to Ch'oe's political power and close ties to Yi. Choe's son had even committed a crime against the crown princeâÂÂs maid, yet Yi protected him. The downfall of Choe's family during Ch'oe Ch'unghà Ân's rise suggests that YiâÂÂs influence extended to his allies.
Other key figures included Cho Wà Ânjà Âng and Chà Âng Pang'u, both active participants in the 1170 coup. YiâÂÂs administration expanded the number of top ministers from 7 to 8 in 1190, with most of them being military men involved in the coup:
Aside from a few exceptions, most of these were low-born military men who had risen through their own strength, not through family or scholarship. Their rise reflected a new social atmosphere that valued physical power over traditional status.