Yi à ¬ibang (; 1121 âÂÂJanuary 12, 1175) was a military ruler of Korea during the Goryeo period. He was one of many military dictators of Goryeo in the aftermath of the 1170 warrior rebellion.
Yi à ¬ibangâÂÂs ancestral home (bongwan) was Jeonju. In the late reign of King Uijong, while holding the junior 8th-rank post of san-won (an honorary, non-executive rank), he served as gyeonnyong haengsu (chief of the royal bodyguard unit âÂÂLeading the DragonâÂÂ).
In August 1170 (Uijong 24th year), he joined the Goryeo warrior rebellion, which occurred in defiance against the typically minister ruled Korea. Primary leaders of this rebellion was Chà Âng Chung-bu and Yi Ko who found that warrior-class treatment was truly unfair and planned a coup d'état to establish a warrior government.
At this time, tensions ran high between the civil officials (munsin) and the military officers (musin) in Goryeo. Although the official rank system was the same for both up to the 3rd rank, the highest positionsâÂÂthose of jaechu (chief ministers)âÂÂwere reserved exclusively for civil officials. Civil servants, especially those who had passed the state examinations, enjoyed far higher social prestige and privileges.
GoryeoâÂÂs civil governance (munch'i) made this arrangement seem reasonable, but in practice, it led to some civil officials openly belittling and insulting military officers. King UijongâÂÂs indulgence in pleasure with his civil-official favorites only deepened resentment. Meanwhile, the common soldiers lived in poverty. The coup was thus the product of a mix of political, social, and economic grievances.
Before the coup, Yi à ¬ibang and Yi Ko are said to have approached other military officers to plan a revolt. Records in the Goryeosa tell how, in August 1170, while King Uijong was on an outing drinking and composing poetry with civil officials, his escorting soldiers grew hungry and resentful. Yi à ¬ibang and Yi Ko used this moment to enlist Chà Âng Chungbu in their plot.
Not long after, on the kingâÂÂs return journey, the royal party stopped at Bohyeonwon outside Gaegyeong. Here, Yi à ¬ibang and the others finally drew their swords. They had already assembled the Sungeom-gun (Patrolling Army) and moved to arrest and execute the kingâÂÂs close civil aides. The Goryeosa describes corpses piled âÂÂlike mountains,â attesting to the bloodshed.
After detaining the king outside the capital, Yi à ¬ibang and Yi Ko led elite troops to seize Gaegyeong before the gates could be closed and the crown prince mobilized. They stormed the palace, the crown princeâÂÂs residence, and key government offices, shouting, âÂÂAny wearing the civil officialâÂÂs hatâÂÂclerks includedâÂÂkill them all!â Around 50 civil officials were slaughtered.
To pacify the mutineers, King Uijong promoted them to higher posts. Yi ÃÂibang was appointed Jungnangjang (Lieutenant General) of the Eungyang Yongho (Hawk-Raising, Dragon-Tiger Guard), and his elder brother Yi Jun-ui was appointed Seungseon (royal secretary). On August 30, they returned him to the palace, and the situation seemed to subside.
But on September 1, court eunuch Wang Gwang-chwi attempted to raise forces to suppress the coup. The plan leaked, and some military leaders, including Yi Ko, sought to kill the king. This was stopped by other officers. The following day, Yi à ¬ibang and his allies deposed Uijong, exiling him to Geoje Island, and enthroned his younger brother as King Myeongjong.
Myeongjong rewarded the coup leaders, naming Yi à ¬ibang Daejanggun Jeonjunggwan (Grand General and Palace Guard Commander), and Jibju (Keeper of the Palace Decrees). Though officially appointments of the new king, they were in reality self-assigned spoils of victory. Yi had thus leapt from junior 8th rank to the second-highest military rank of senior 3rd class in a single stroke.
With MyeongjongâÂÂs accession, Chà Âng Chungbu became Chamji Jeongsa (a ministerial post equivalent to a chief councillor), while Yi à ¬ibang and Yi Ko became grand generals. Many others involved in the coup also rose sharply in rank and position, filling high offices far above their previous station. The three leaders even divided between themselves three of UijongâÂÂs private residences, and were honored as Byeoksang Gongsin (Meritorious Subjects of the Wall), their portraits hung in the Hall of Meritorious Subjects.
The military regime formed immediately after the revolt. This regime was an alliance between those who had taken a moderate stance during the uprising and those who had led it. Chà Âng Chungbu, Yang Suk, Yi Soeung, and Gi Takseong were among the moderates, while Yi Ko, Yi à ¬ibang, and Chae Won were leaders of the revolt. In reality, however, the key power seems to have been held by those who had led the uprising. This is suggested by the fact that the subsequent power struggles occurred mainly between Yi à ¬ibang, Yi Ko, and Chae WonâÂÂexcluding Chà Âng Chungbu. When King Myeongjong ascended the throne, he appointed the following officers to these positions:
In 1171 (the 1st year of King MyeongjongâÂÂs reign), when Grand General Han Sun and Generals Han Gong, Shin Dae-ye, Sa Jik-jae, and Cha Jung-gyu spoke ill of him, Yi à ¬ibangâÂÂthough on friendly terms with Cha Jung-gyuâÂÂexiled him and executed the rest. He also began to resent Yi Ko, who had formed ties with rogues and Buddhist monks such as Suhye of Beopunsa Temple and Hyeonso of Gaeguksa Temple, and who harbored ambitions beyond his station. Yi Ko had been the most vehemently anti-civil-official among the coup leaders, even trying to kill all surviving civil officials until Chà Âng Chungbu stopped him. In January 1172, when a coming-of-age ceremony (wonbok) was held at Yeojeong Palace for the Crown Prince, Yi à ¬ibang and Ch'ae Wà Ân attended as Sà Ânhwasa (the official in charge of flower offerings) and used the occasion to kill Yi Ko. The Goryeosa claims Yi Ko had plotted to make himself king and planned to start an uprising at the banquet, but that the plot was leaked and Yi à ¬ibang struck first with the help of the officer Chae Won. Yi à ¬ibang ambushed Yi Ko with an iron club, killing him. He released the Sungeomgun (patrolling troops) to capture and kill Yi KoâÂÂs mother and followers, and exiling his father. Three months later Chae Won and his faction was also killed by Yi à ¬ibang, ostensibly for plotting to kill all court officials. During this process, Chà Âng Chungbu, fearing harm might come to him, resigned from his post and secluded himself.
After Yi Ko and Chae Won were eliminated, Yi à ¬ibang monopolized the military regime. However, it seems that Chà Âng Chungbu's influence could not be completely ignored. Yi à ¬ibang personally visited the reclusive Chà Âng Chungbu with liquor and forged a father-son bond with him. Through this compromise, Yi à ¬ibang sought to pacify opposition from senior military officials that might arise from his monopoly on power. As someone who had held low-ranking positions before the uprising, Yi à ¬ibang could not afford to alienate senior officers after coming to power.
Yi à ¬ibangâÂÂs conciliatory stance toward senior military officers can also be seen in his policies toward the Jungbang (Council of Generals). After the revolt, the JungbangâÂÂs authority was greatly expanded. Since the first regime established after the uprising was Yi à ¬ibangâÂÂs, it can be said that the strengthening of the Jungbang began under his rule. The council, composed of generals and grand generals, gained increased authority, which likely reflected Yi à ¬ibangâÂÂs political consideration for the senior military class.
Alongside this, Yi à ¬ibang also had to pay attention to the lower-ranking officers he had relied upon during the uprising. Many of these men, from humble origins, were promoted significantly under his regimeâÂÂa clear indication of his efforts to reward them.
In 1173 (Myeongjong 3), a royal princess was granted to him as wife, making her a gungju (palace lady of high rank). In the Jungbang (Military Council), he drank and caroused with courtesans alongside other generals, making such a commotion that the noise reached the palace, yet showing no fear. He rose to the posts of Wiwi-gyeong (Minister of the Palace Guard), Heungwiwi Seop Daejanggun (Acting Grand General of the Heungwi Guard), and Ji Byeongbusa (Director of the Ministry of War). Military men were appointed to local magistrate posts, which had traditionally been reserved for civil officials, thereby opening a new career path for them. This measure appears to have been more for the benefit of lower-ranking officers than for senior generals.
From 1173 (3rd year of Myeongjong), armed resistance to military rule began to emerge. While earlier plots had been small and easily crushed, this time real military confrontations broke out.
In August 1173, Yi à ¬ibangâÂÂs regime faced a crisis when it encountered resistance from civil officialsâÂÂmost notably in the Rebellion of Kim Bodang.
Kim Bodang was not an outright opponent of the military regimeâÂÂhis participation in it proves as much. He had harbored considerable dissatisfaction with the politics of King UijongâÂÂs reign and had once advocated the impeachment of those who had endorsed the eunuch Chà Âng HamâÂÂs appointment shortly after the revolt. Han à Ân'guk, his co-conspirator, also had experience serving in the military regime, having overseen the civil service examinations in the 2nd year of MyeongjongâÂÂs reign as Right Remonstrance Minister. There is no detailed record of why they turned against the regime, but given that Kim Bodang justified his uprising by calling for the removal of Yi à ¬ibang and Chà Âng Chungbu and the restoration of Uijong. Although dissatisfied with UijongâÂÂs politics, it is clear they disapproved of UijongâÂÂs deposition and Yi à ¬ibangâÂÂs seizure of power.
Kim Bodang, Dongbukmyeon Byeongmasa (Military Commander of the Northeast) and Ganuidaebu (Remonstrance Minister), conspired with Han EonâÂÂguk, Dongbukmyeon Ji Byeongmasa (Military Affairs Officer of the Northeast), to raise troops. Kim Bodang proclaimed that his cause was the removal of Yi à ¬ibang and Chà Âng Chungbu and the restoration of King Uijong. Yi à ¬ibang appointed Jang Sunseok and Yu Injun as Namno Byeongmasa (Commander of Southern Route Forces), Bae Yunjae as Seohaedo Byeongmasa (Commander of Western Sea Route Forces), and sent Jang Sunseok and others to Geoje to escort the exiled Uijong to Gyeongju. Upon hearing this, Yi à ¬ibang ordered Yi à ¬imin to kill Uijong. With the kingâÂÂs death, Kim BodangâÂÂs forces lost their momentum and collapsed.
During the suppression of Kim Bo-dangâÂÂs forces, Yi à ¬ibang appointed his cousin Yi Chun-bu as Southern Route Pacification Commissioner alongside Du Gyeong-seung, overseeing the campaign. He strengthened his faction by granting posts to loyal military officers and sealing alliances through marriage. It is thought that the policy of sending many military men as provincial governors during his rule was connected to his consolidation of power.
The rebellion was suppressed in only three months, but its impact was significant. Facing execution, Kim Bodang falsely declared, âÂÂThere is no civil official who did not conspire with me,â which resulted in a mass slaughter of civil officials. This event, called the Gyesa Rebellion (ç¸巳ìÂÂäºÂ), saw such heavy casualties among the civil class that it is often grouped with the Musin Rebellion (of the Gyeongin year) under the name Gyeong-Gye Rebellions (åºÂç¸ìÂÂäºÂ). Afterward, the political position of civil officials was further weakened. His elder brother Yi Jun-ui persuaded him to ease tensions by promoting marriages between military and civil officials, which temporarily calmed matters.
In March 1174, Yi à ¬ibang married his daughter to the crown prince, aiming to place his future grandson on the throne. As his power grew, so did his arrogance and tyranny. Drinking late into the night with high-ranking officers in the Jungbang (central military council) was the least of it.
When over 100 monks from Guibeopsa Temple invaded the north gate of the capital and killed Seon-yu, the Seungnok (chief of monastic affairs), Yi à ¬ibang led troops to repel them. Soon after, about 2,000 monks from various templesâÂÂincluding Junggwang, Hongho, Guibeop, and HonghwaâÂÂburned the Sungin Gate and attempted to kill Yi à ¬ibang and his brother. Yi à ¬ibang assembled Bubyeong (local troops), killing over 100 monks, and went on to destroy and burn numerous templesâÂÂincluding Junggwang, Hongho, Guibeop, Yongheung, Myoji, and BokheungâÂÂseizing vast amounts of wealth.
When his brother Yi Jun-ui rebuked him, saying,
Yi à ¬ibang tried to kill him, but was stopped by Mun Geuk-gyeom.
Jo Wi-chong, Seogyeong Yusu (Military Governor of the Western Capital) and Byeongbu Sangseo (Minister of War), denounced Yi à ¬ibang and Chà Âng Chungbu for killing Uijong without giving him a proper burial, and declared:
He sent this proclamation to various fortresses in the northeastern frontier, and over 40 strongholds north of Jeoryeong (or Jabi Pass) responded, giving the rebellion great momentum and advanced to the outskirts of Gaeseong. Yi à ¬ibang captured and executed high-ranking officials from SeogyeongâÂÂincluding Sangseo Yun In-mi, Grand General Kim Deok-sin, and General Kim Seok-jaeâÂÂand displayed their heads in the marketplace. He appointed Yun Injam, Jungseo Silang Pyeongjangsa (Vice Chancellor of State), as commander to lead three armies against Jo Wi-chong, but the government forces were defeated at Jeoryeong Station. He then marched north to suppress the rebels, advancing as far as the Daedong River. However, the scattered Seogyeong forces regrouped and fortified their defenses, leading Yi à ¬ibang to camp outside the city for about a month before withdrawing due to severe cold.
Yi ÃÂibang exercises his power (wi-bok) at will and disrupting the court, amassing deep resentment among many. Back in Gaegyeong, he began preparations for another campaign against Jo Wi-Chong, even conscripting monks into his forces. Then, in the midst of these preparations, he was lured into an ambush outside Seonuimu Gate by Buddhist monk Chongch'am in collusion with Chà Âng kyun, son of Chà Âng Chungbu. His associates, including his brother Yi Jun-uiâÂÂs allies Go Deuk-won and Yu Yun-won, were also killed, and his daughter was deposed as Crown Princess. Fearing unrest, Chà Âng Chungbu explained the circumstances to calm the troops. With Yi à ¬ibang dead, power returned to Chà Âng Chungbu.
The Goryeosa later noted that âÂÂthe central military councilâÂÂs dominance over national affairs was entirely Yi à ¬ibangâÂÂs doing.â This same source records that after his death, ten monks, including JongchamâÂÂwho had taken part in his assassinationâÂÂwere exiled to remote islands.
General Yi à ¬ibang's main legacy remains in the balance that was achieved through the purging of scholars during his co-governance with Chong. Before the arrival of Yi, the scholar class had more influence in the government to the extent that the warrior-class was greatly mistreated. With the changing of kings and shifting of power from scholar-class to warrior-class, Goryeo faced a new era. A final and very important legacy is his connection with the founder of the Joseon Dynasty, Yi Sà Ânggye. Yi à ¬ibang's younger brother Yi In was a 6th generation ancestor of Yi Sà Ânggye, thus connecting Yi à ¬ibang and Yi Sà Ânggye together.