Taisei Hà Âkan ( refers to the formal return of political authority from the 15th shogun of the Tokugawa shogunate, Tokugawa Yoshinobu, to the Emperor Meiji on Keià  3, 14th day of the 10th month, 1867 (November 9, 1867 in the Gregorian calendar). The next day (November 10), the Emperor accepted Yoshinobu's petition (å¥Âä¸Â, sà Âjà Â) via imperial sanction (å 許, chokyo).
During the Edo period, the Tokugawa shoguns served as the de facto rulers of Japan. However, the concept that the Emperor had delegated governance to the shogunateâÂÂthe so-called theory of imperial delegation of government authority ()âÂÂwas broadly accepted.
In the Bakumatsu period, the Imperial Court reemerged as an autonomous political actor. Due to increasing discord between the Court and the shogunate, especially regarding foreign affairs, the legitimacy of the shogunate was increasingly called into question. As a result, the shogunate began seeking formal reaffirmation from the Court of its delegated authority.
In 1863 and 1864, during the Bunkyà « and Genji eras, partial reaffirmations of delegated authority were granted by the Court. This marked a significant institutionalization of what had previously been an unwritten custom.
It was in this political context that Tokugawa Yoshinobu, without first resigning as shogun, presented his petition to return political authority to the Emperor in the 10th month of Keià  3 (November 1867). Yoshinobu would later submit his formal resignation on the 24th day of the same month (November 19, 1867). However, the shogunate was not officially abolished until the Proclamation of the Restoration of Imperial Rule () on the 9th day of the 12th month (January 3, 1868).
The objective of Taisei Hà Âkan was to avoid civil war by modifying the shogunate's autocratic rule and establishing a new council-based polity (), led primarily by the Tokugawa house and other major domains. However, before such a political structure could be implemented, pro-imperial factions led by Satsuma Domain initiated armed conflict (e.g., the Battle of TobaâÂÂFushimi and the Boshin War), seeking the complete abolition of the shogunate.
Note: All dates below refer to the traditional lunisolar calendar unless otherwise stated.
During the late Edo period, debates over national opening and the signing of trade treaties fractured political consensus. Tensions between the Court and the shogunate surfaced most clearly in 1858, when the imperial court bypassed the shogunate to issue the Secret Imperial Edict of the Year of the Earth Horse (æÂÂÃ¥ÂÂã®å¯Âå ) to the Mito Domain. Subsequently, the shogunate was pressured to initiate political reforms and execute the imperial Court's anti-foreign edicts.
In response, the shogunate sought to re-legitimize its authority by promoting the concept of Kà Âbu GattaiâÂÂunity between the Court and the shogunate. The ultimate goal was for shogunal directives to carry the authority of imperial command (æ¿令ä¸ÂéÂÂ), thereby reinforcing centralized rule.
At the same time, figures such as Yokoi Shà Ânan, à Âkubo Ichio, and Katsu Kaishà «âÂÂreformist retainers and domain officialsâÂÂbegan advocating for the peaceful return of government authority to the Emperor. However, the shogunate continued pursuing Kà Âbu Gattai policies, sidelining these early calls for Taisei Hà Âkan.
Initially supporting Kà Âbu Gattai, the Satsuma Domain grew increasingly alienated from the shogunate following the collapse of the Council of Four Lords in 1867. On the 21st day of the 5th month, pro-reform samurai from the Tosa Domain, including Itagaki Taisuke and Tani Tateki, formed a secret alliance with Satsuma figures Saigà  Takamori and Yoshii Tomozane at the Kyoto residence of Kà Âmatsu Tatewaki ().
In contrast, Gotà  Shà Âjirà Â, senior counselor of Tosa, advocated for a peaceful transition via Taisei Hà Âkan. Although sometimes attributed to Sakamoto Ryà Âma, the so-called "Eight-Point Plan Aboard Ship" () allegedly presented to Gotà  in the 6th month, is now widely regarded as apocryphal.
Gotà  convinced his fellow Tosa officials and negotiated a joint SatsumaâÂÂTosa agreement on the 22nd day of the 6th month. The plan entailed the shogunate returning authority to the Court, establishing a national assembly, and selecting officials through broad-based meritocracy across classes.
Satsuma's agreement was largely tacticalâÂÂits leadership expected Yoshinobu to reject the plan, providing a pretext for armed revolt. However, under pressure, the provision to abolish the shogunal title was later removed from the Tosa petition.
Satsuma, meanwhile, pursued secret military alliances with Chà Âshà « Domain and Hiroshima Domain. The agreement with Tosa was dissolved by the 7th day of the 9th month.
The painting is stored at the Meiji Memorial Picture Gallery and is one of the series depicting the life of Emperor Meiji. It was donated by Tokugawa Yoshimitsu. Although it is often believed to show Tokugawa Yoshinobu announcing the Taisei Hà Âkan (Return of Political Power to the Emperor) to the senior retainers of various domains in the Great Hall on the 13th day of the 10th month (lunar calendar), it actually depicts the events of the previous day, the 12th, when Yoshinobu informed government officials and domain lords of the plan in the Kuroshoin (Black Study Room). The Great Hall at Nijà  Castle has pine tree wall paintings, whereas cherry blossoms, as seen in the âÂÂTaisei Hà Âkanâ painting, are found in the Kuroshoin.
On October 3 (lunar calendar), Yamauchi Yà Âdà  submitted a written proposal for the return of political power to the Emperor through Rà Âjà « Itakura Katsukiyo. Yoshinobu accepted the plan and moved forward with returning power to the Emperor before the pro-Imperial Satchà  Alliance could overthrow the shogunate.
From October 11 (lunar calendar), notices were sent to the retainers of domains with more than 100,000 koku who were staying in Kyoto, summoning them to Nijà  Castle at noon on the 13th for a matter of national importance. On the night of October 12, a secret letter expressing Yoshinobu's intentions was received by Yamada Hà Âkoku, an advisor to Itakura in Bitchà «-Matsuyama Domain. Hà Âkoku then gave a draft petition to a secret envoy to be returned to Kyoto. Also on this day, the shogunate communicated its intention of Taisei Hà Âkan to government officials and domain lords from Aizu Domain, Kuwana Domain, and others.
On October 13, about 50 senior retainers from 40 domains gathered in the Great Hall of Nijà  Castle. Rà Âjà « Itakura Katsukiyo handed out three documents, informing the retainers that those with an opinion should report directly to the Shogun. Then, à Âmetsuke Togawa Tadayoshi and Metsuke Shitara Iwajirà  gave them documents including Hà Âkoku's draft petition, and told those with opinions to stay and meet Yoshinobu. Six representativesâÂÂGotà  Shà Âjirà  and Fukuoka Takachika from Tosa Domain, Komatsu Tatewaki from Satsuma Domain, Tsuji Igao from Hiroshima Domain, Tsuzuki Atsushi from Uwajima Domain, and Makino Gonrokurà  from Okayama DomainâÂÂmet Yoshinobu in person. Others wrote their agreement on the documents and returned them. This made the shogunate's intention to return power officially known.
The wording of the draft petition was later changed from "I" to "Your subject, Yoshinobu," and finalized as "October 14, Yoshinobu." On the next day, October 14 (November 9, 1867), Yoshinobu sent à Âsawa Motohisa to the imperial court with the official petition for Taisei Hà Âkan and urged for its acceptance. Although Regent Nijà  Nariyuki and other high-ranking court members were perplexed, the strong influence of Komatsu and Gotà  led to the acceptance on October 15 (November 10). Yoshinobu was given an official reply (sata-sho), stating that further discussion would determine the nation's future and the fate of the shogunate's land. On the same day, the court ordered all lords with more than 100,000 koku to come to Kyoto.
Although the Taisei Hà Âkan was meant to preempt the pro-Imperial factions and rob them of their cause, the petition did not mention Yoshinobu's resignation as shogun. He retained his authority as head of the samurai. On October 14, Yoshinobu told Komatsu that resigning would upset his retainers. However, following Komatsu's advice, he submitted his resignation as Seii Taishà Âgun on October 24 (November 19, 1867).
The shogunate believed the court had neither the ability nor the structure to govern. Even if power was nominally returned, the Tokugawa clan, with its overwhelming influence, could continue leading the government under the Emperor. As expected, on October 22 (lunar calendar), the court conditionally allowed the shogunate to handle urgent matters until a national policy could be established, and Yoshinobu continued as de facto ruler.
The court had no ability to handle foreign affairs and on October 23, officially allowed the shogunate to continue diplomacy. The shogunate postponed the opening of ports in Edo and Niigata on November 19, and signed a new tariff treaty with Russia on November 28.
Although the court entrusted Yoshinobu with general administration and summoned the lords to Kyoto, many declined to come, waiting to see how things would unfold. Only the lords of Satsuma, Hiroshima, Owari, and Echizen came during November (lunar calendar), and Yamauchi Yà Âdà  of Tosa arrived only on December 8 (January 2, 1868). The Restoration of Imperial Rule was proclaimed the next day, December 9 (January 3, 1868). During this time, the Tosa Domain, including Sakamoto Ryà Âma, worked to promote the idea of a representative government.
Meanwhile, within Aizu, Kuwana, Kishà « Domain, and among Tokugawa retainers, resentment grew that the Taisei Hà Âkan had been orchestrated by the Satsuma and Tosa Domains. A movement arose demanding that power be returned to the shogunate.
On the same day as the submission of the Taisei Hà Âkan petition (October 14), a secret Imperial Order to Overthrow the Shogunate (è¨Âå¹Âã®å¯Âå , *tà Âbaku no micchoku*) was secretly issued by Iwakura Tomomi to the Satsuma Domain and Chà Âshà « Domain. This imperial order was highly irregularâÂÂit lacked the Emperor's signature, date, and formal approval, meaning it did not follow the official format of a proper imperial edict. There were strong suspicions that it was a forged decree created by the anti-shogunate faction.
At the time of the Taisei Hà Âkan, Iwakura and the other pro-Imperial kuge (court nobles) had not yet gained control within the imperial court. After the death of Emperor Kà Âmei in December (lunar calendar) of the previous year, the 15-year-old Emperor Meiji ascended the throne on January 9 (lunar calendar). However, the kampaku (Imperial Regent) Nijà  Nariyuki, who supported the shogunate, was appointed sesshà  (Regent) and held actual power. Meanwhile, radical pro-Chà Âshà « nobles like Sanjà  Sanetomi had remained in exile from Kyoto since the August 18 Coup of 1863 (Bunkyà « 3).
In other words, at that time, the imperial court was still dominated by pro-shogunate senior nobles such as Regent Nijà  and Prince Kuni Asahiko (also known as Nakagawa-no-miya, later Prince Kuni after the Meiji Restoration). Even after the Taisei Hà Âkan, it was expected that any new government formed under such a court (a so-called âÂÂKà Âbu gattaiâ or union of court and shogunate) would naturally be led by Tokugawa Yoshinobu. For that reason, the Satsuma-Chà Âshà « alliance and anti-shogunate nobles like Iwakura believed it necessary to carry out a coup d'état: abolishing traditional court offices like Sesshà  and Kampaku, removing the pro-shogunate faction from power, and establishing direct control over the imperial court.
The secret imperial order to overthrow the shogunate was a desperate measure planned by the Satsuma and Chà Âshà « factions together with middle- and lower-ranking nobles like Iwakura, who still lacked formal authority in the court. It was intended to counter Yoshinobu's expected dominance over the new government.
However, the unexpected announcement of the Taisei Hà Âkan caused confusion among the anti-shogunate faction. Some, like Komatsu Tatewaki, Yoshii Tomozane, and Iwakura Tomomi himself, even praised Yoshinobu's decision. As a result, the Satsuma DomainâÂÂwhich had been preparing for an armed uprisingâÂÂdecided to wait and observe the situation.
On October 21 (lunar calendar), the imperial court held a consultation on whether to entrust government affairs to the shogunate until a national council of daimyà  could be convened. Satsuma agreed with this proposal. However, pro-military members of the Satsuma faction, such as à Âkubo Toshimichi and Saigà  Takamori, remained distrustful of Yoshinobu. Eventually, the domain united around the policy of overthrowing the shogunate by force.
On November 29 (lunar calendar), the domain lord Shimazu Mochihisa marched to Kyoto with troops, setting the stage for the Restoration of Imperial Rule on December 9 (January 3, 1868).
On October 13, the day before submitting the Taisei HÃ Âkan petition, Tokugawa Yoshinobu consulted with Nishi Amane, a shogunate official and professor at the Kaiseijo, regarding the parliamentary system of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.
In November, after the formal acceptance of the Taisei Hà Âkan, Nishi submitted a written proposal titled "Draft Agenda" (*gidai sà Âan*) to Yoshinobu's close aide Hirayama Seisai. Other national reform proposals also existed around Yoshinobu at the time, including Tsuda MamichiâÂÂs "General System of the State of Japan" (*Nihonkoku Sà Âseido*), written in September of the same year.
In his proposal, Nishi outlined a concrete government structure centered on the Tokugawa clan. He introduced a form of separation of powers modeled after Western political systems, albeit partially and formally. The executive power would be held by a "Public Office" (Kà Âfu), which would also temporarily serve judicial functions. Legislative power would be assigned to a Legislative Council (Giseiin) composed of daimyà  and samurai from various domains. The Emperor would hold a symbolic position.
The head of the Public Office was to be called the "Taikun," a title to be held by the head of the Tokugawa house (i.e., Yoshinobu). This Taikun would also serve as president of the Upper House and have the authority to dissolve the Lower House.
In terms of military affairs, domains would retain their own forces for the time being, but the military was to be unified under central authority within a few years. The proposal also assumed that the territories held by daimyà  would remain unchanged, and the structure of the new government would be consciously modeled after the old shogunate system, making it a highly pragmatic plan.
Additionally, on November 27, Nagai Naoyuki, a senior shogunate official (rank of wakadoshiyori), informed Gotà  Shà Âjirà  that Yoshinobu intended to implement a prefectural system (gunken-sei) in the future.
Before World War II, many imperial ceremonies were held on **November 10**. For example, the enthronement of Emperor Shà Âwa in 1928, and the 2600th Anniversary of the Imperial Era ceremony in 1940, were both held on this date. This is because **November 10** was the date when the Emperor formally approved the Taisei Hà Âkan and imperial rule was restored.
By extension, the term "Taisei HÃ Âkan" is sometimes used metaphorically by the media to describe situations in which corporate control returns from non-founder executives to members of the founding family, especially in the context of major Japanese companies.