The Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga, also known as Pushtimarg (Path of Nourishing or Flourishing) or Vallabha SampradÃÂya, is a Hindu Vaiá¹£á¹Âava saá¹ÂpradÃÂya. It was established in the early 16th century by Vallabha (1479âÂÂ1530) and further developed by his descendants, particularly his son Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha. Followers of the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga worship Kråṣá¹Âa and engage in devotional practices centered around the youthful Kråṣá¹Âa as depicted in the BhÃÂgavata PurÃÂá¹Âa, and the pastimes at Govardhan Hill.
The Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga sect follows the à Âuddhadvaita philosophy of Vallabha. According to this philosophy, Kråṣá¹Âa is considered the supreme deity and the source of everything. The human soul is believed to be imbued with Kråṣá¹Âa's divine light, and spiritual liberation is thought to result from Kråṣá¹Âa's grace. The sect worships Kråṣá¹Âa through sevÃÂ, a practice in which his images or svarà «pas ("self forms") are served and entertained with food, drink, music, and art, recreating his daily routine as a youth in Braj.
The followers of this tradition are known as Pushtimargis or Pushtimargiya Vaishnavas. This sect is prominent in the Indian states of Rajasthan and Gujarat, as well as in their regional diasporas around the world. The Shrinathji Temple in Nathdwara is the main shrine of Pushtimarg, with its origins dating back to 1669.
Vallabha was born into a Telugu Brahmin family in South India. He received a traditional education in Sanskrit scriptures and was a precocious student. In 1494, around the age of 15, he had a vision in which he acquired the Brahmasambandha mantra from Kråṣá¹Âa which was to be used to clean the faults of the human soul. He first bestowed the mantra on DÃÂmodardÃÂs HarsÃÂnë who would become the first member of the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga. When he went to Govardhan Hill he declared that the stone being worshipped as Devadamana was the svarà «pa of à Ârë NÃÂthajë and instituted the formal sevàof the deity. He adopted the householder form of life and had two sons, GopënÃÂtha and Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha. Throughout his life he made three pilgrimage tours of India where he won converts mainly from the Gangetic plain and Gujarat, with converts tending to belong to mercantile or agricultural castes to whom Vallabha's ideals of socio-religious purity were appealing. He died in 1530, designating his elder son GopënÃÂtha as his successor.
In 1540, the Gauá¸Âiya priests of à Ârë NÃÂthajë, whom Vallabha hired, were expelled from Govardhan Hill which gave the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga sole control over the deity's worship. In 1542, GopënÃÂtha died with his son soon dying as well, leaving Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha as the leader of the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga. From 1543 to 1581 Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha went on fundraising tours to Gujarat where he converted many merchants, agriculturalists, and artisans. He also successfully obtained the royal Hindu and Mughal patronage for the sect. He heavily transformed the simple sevàof his father's time into a deeply aesthetic experience that sought to recreate the daily life of Kråṣá¹Âa in which he was offered expensive clothing, jewelry, perfumes, and sumptuous meals. The arts of paintings and poetry were also added to the rituals to enhance their appeal. Upon Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha's death the spiritual leadership of the sect was divided among his seven sons among whom he had distributed the major svarà «pas of Kråṣá¹Âa and granted the sole right to bestow the brahmasambandha mantra, that is, to initiate new members. Thus, the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga was divided into Seven Houses (SÃÂt Ghar) or Seven Seats (SÃÂt Gaddë), with all patrilineal male descendants of Vallabha having these rights. These descendants have the titles of mahÃÂrÃÂjà(Great King) or gosvÃÂmi (Lord of Cows), and the chief mahÃÂrÃÂja of the First House has the title of tilkÃÂyat and is primus inter pares.
Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha's sons continued obtaining patronage of the sect from Mughal emperors. Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha's son GokulanÃÂtha authored many texts in Sanskrit and particularly in Braj Bhasha, which reemphasized the themes of Vallabha's works in a more accessible language. GokulanÃÂtha is considered the most prominent Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga figure of the era, and according to sectarian sources he defended the sect's right to wear their sectarian tilaks and mala beads made from tulsi from a Shaiva-Tantric ascetic named Jadrup who exerted significant influence over the Mughal emperor Jahangir.
In the early 1600s, the houses had a dispute over the rights to perform worship to à Ârë NÃÂthajë, and Jahangir sided with TilkÃÂyat Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalarÃÂy that the First House held precedence over the others. The Third and Sixth Houses were also in conflict through the century over the worship of the deity BÃÂlakråṣá¹Âa, resulting the exodus of both Houses from Braj to Gujarat. The Third House eventually moved to the region of Mewar in Rajasthan where they were welcomed by the kings and granted refuge. In Braj, the JÃÂá¹ rebellion under the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb caused many religious communities, including the remaining houses of the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga, to flee to Rajasthan where they received protection. The First House, who was the custodian of à Ârë NÃÂthajë, settled in a village in Mewar that would become NÃÂthadvÃÂrÃÂ.
From their arrival in Rajasthan in the late 17th century to the late 19th century, Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga gosvÃÂmës served both as the gurus and jÃÂgërdÃÂrs of the Mewar darbÃÂr. The Mewar kingdom, which had defied the Mughal empire, sought to promote an image of themselves as protectors of Hindu dharma through their pre-existing theological commitment to and patronage of the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga; in addition they sought to boost their economy through the pilgrimage traffic of the mercantile Gujarati Vaiá¹£á¹Âava devotees. The Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga gosvÃÂmës in turn enjoyed the religious and financial support of the Mewar kingdom. The mahÃÂrÃÂjas became wealthy landowners who received state protection and privileges through their noble Rajput contacts and donations from Gujarati merchant devotees/
The 1862 Maharaj Libel Case, in which a mahÃÂrÃÂjàfrom Surat named Jadunath Brizratanji sued the journalist Karsandas Mulji on charges of libel in the Supreme Court of Bombay, was widely publicized. In the paper Satya PrakÃÂà Âa, Mulji had called the Vallabha SampradÃÂya a degenerate sect with false doctrines, and accused its mahÃÂrÃÂjÃÂs (including Jadunath Brizratanji specifically by name) of forcing female devotees to have sexual relations with them. The British judges sided with Mulji, and the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga's reputation was tainted, and the sect was viewed negatively by Western scholars until the late 20th century.
The tenure of TilakÃÂyat GovardhanalÃÂl (tilkÃÂyat from 1876 to 1934) is often described as the "golden age" of both Nathdwara and the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga.
In the 20th century, the Pushtimarg prospered due to the acquired affluence of some of its members, primarily Gujarati merchants. The Gujarati diaspora founded important Pushtimarg centers in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand.
In the 21st century, the sect is not very well known in India. Since the latter half of the 20th century, the mahÃÂrÃÂjÃÂs no longer have the same level of religious and secular authority over their followers, and they are much more restrained in their public presence. While devotee families include those of great wealth, they do not draw attention to themselves either. The Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga does not actively seek converts in modern times.
According to Vallabha, the society of his time was ridden with ills such as bloodshed, barbarians, foreigners, the departing of gods from temples, an impure Ganges river, the presence of heterodox communities, ineffective religious rites, the disappearance of the caste system, and the prevalence of greed, hypocrisy, and impurity. In response, Vallabha formulated the philosophy of à ÂuddhÃÂdvaita, in opposition to the ÃÂdvaita VedÃÂnta of à Âaá¹ kara, which he called MaryÃÂdàMÃÂrga or Path of Limitations. Vallabha rejected the concept of MÃÂyÃÂ, stating that the world was a manifestation of the Supreme Absolute and could not be tainted, nor could it change. According to Vallabha, Brahman consists of existence (sat), consciousness (cit), and bliss (ÃÂnanda), and manifests completely as Kråṣá¹Âa himself. In this philosophy, Kråṣá¹Âa, as Brahman, is considered the supreme and sole being, and that Brahma, à Âiva, and Viá¹£á¹Âu are his limited avatÃÂras.
Vallabha states if someone forgets this truth about Kråṣá¹Âa and his nature, it is due to ignorance derived from material attachments. For certain individuals however this ignorance can be removed through divine grace (puá¹£á¹Âi) that would move one to a path of devotion where one would rely on Kråṣá¹Âa's grace alone. Such people are admitted into the Path of Grace or Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga.
The purpose of this tradition is to perform sevà(selfless service) out of love for Kråṣá¹Âa. According to Saha, Vallabha stated that through single minded religiosity, a devotee would achieve awareness that there is nothing in the world that is not Kråṣá¹Âa. According to Barz, in à ÂuddhÃÂdvaita the concept of uddhÃÂra or lifting a jëva out of ignorance is granted solely through the grace of Kråṣá¹Âa who may have seemingly unknowable reasoning. He further states that in à ÂuddhÃÂdvaita philosophy uddhÃÂra may be granted to any jëva regardless of sectarian membership in the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga or conduction of sevÃÂ, rather it is granted solely through Kråṣá¹Âa's independent will.
Vallabha stated that religious disciplines that focus on Vedic sacrifices, temple rituals, puja, meditation, and yoga had limited value. The school rejects the ascetic lifestyle and instead cherishes the householder lifestyle, wherein followers see themselves as participants and companions of Kråṣá¹Âa, and their daily life as an ongoing raslila.
Vallabha accepts four prior works as the major bases for his doctrines: the Vedas, the Bhagavad GëtÃÂ, the Brahma Sà «tra, and the BhÃÂgavata PurÃÂá¹Âa. However, in practice the Vedas are not studied, whereas the Bhagavad Gëtàand BhÃÂgavata PurÃÂá¹Âa are. Vallabha composed many philosophical and devotional books during his lifetime including:
Later figures authored prose texts in Braj Bhasha in the vÃÂrtàgenre. The progenitor of the vÃÂrtàtradition was Vallabha's grandson, GokulnÃÂth, and GokulnÃÂth's grandnephew, HarirÃÂy (1590âÂÂ1715). The prose vÃÂrtÃÂs served as hagiographies about Vallabha, Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha, and their disciples, that could educate everyday devotees in Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga doctrine.
In terms of volume, HarirÃÂy has the greatest literary output of the sect. There are hundreds of Sanskrit and Braj Bhasha prose works attributed to him, and over a thousand Braj Bhasha poems under various pen names. Pauwels and Bachrach compare HarirÃÂy to VyÃÂsa of the Puranic tradition, to whom texts are by default attributed.
The CaurÃÂsë Vaiá¹£á¹Âavan kë VÃÂrtà(the most notable vÃÂrtàtext) details the accounts of 84 Vaiá¹£á¹Âava devotees of the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga who were disciples of VallabhÃÂcÃÂrya. Complementing the text is the Do Sau BÃÂvan Vaiá¹£á¹Âavan kë VÃÂrtàby the same authors detailing the lives of 252 disciples of Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha. GokulnÃÂth is credited as the original collector of these accounts but they were likely not written down but rather collections of his discourses. His grandnephew HarirÃÂy is credited as the final editor of the two texts. The CaurÃÂsë Vaiá¹£á¹Âavan kë VÃÂrtàexists in two recensions, one without commentary and one with commentary written by HarirÃÂy. The version with commentary is called the Tën Janma kë Lëlàand generally contains more episodes but is more concise than the version without commentary. The Do Sau BÃÂvan Vaiá¹£á¹Âavan kë VÃÂrtàwas more likely composed by HarirÃÂy's disciples and was completed at the end of the 17th century.
HarirÃÂy is also the attributed author of the Braj Bhasha text à Ârë NÃÂthajë PrÃÂkaá¹Âya kë VÃÂrtàwhich recounts the history of à ÂrënÃÂthajë from the svarà «pa's appearance on Govardhan Hill until its removal to Nathadwara in 1672. HarirÃÂy's authorship of this text is doubted, and the current text may only date to the 19th century. The NijavÃÂrta and à Ârë ÃÂcÃÂryajë ke PrÃÂkaá¹Âya VÃÂrta describe the life of Vallabha, while the Baiá¹Âhaka Caritra describes Vallabha's travels around India. All three are dated to the 19th century. The BhÃÂvasindhu recounts information about the followers of Vallabha and Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha, while Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha has his own NijavÃÂrta and Baiá¹Âhaka Caritra.
Another important text is the VallabhÃÂkhyÃÂn, a Gujarati poem by GopÃÂḷdÃÂs (a devotee of Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha) composed before 1577 that praises the family of Vallabha, and was one of the earliest texts to establish the divinity of Vallabha, Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha, and their descendants.
The formal initiation into the Pushtimarg is through the administration of the Brahmasambandha mantra. The absolute and exclusive rights to grant this mantra, in order to remove the doá¹£as (faults) of a jëva (soul) lie only with the direct male descendants of VallabhÃÂcÃÂrya. According to Vallabha, he received the Brahmasambandha mantra from Kråṣá¹Âa one night in Gokula. The next morning, Vallabha administered the mantra to DamodaradÃÂsa HarasÃÂnë, who would become the first member of the sampradÃÂya.
In VallabhÃÂcÃÂrya's time, an (adult) devotee to-be would ask Vallabha to admit him, and if Vallabha was willing to take the potential devotee, he would ask him to bathe and return. Vallabha would then administer the mantra, asking the devotee to use Kråṣá¹Âa's name and to devotee everything he had to Kråṣá¹Âa, after which Vallabha would begin the spiritual education on doctrines and texts.
In modern times, the majority of members of the sect are born into Pushtimarg families, with the administration of the mantra split into two ceremonies.
The first ceremony is known as à Âaraá¹Âa mantropadeà Âa (or traditionally as nÃÂma lenàand kaá¹Âá¹Âhë lenÃÂ). This occurs in the initiate's infancy or at any age if requested. The guru has the initiate repeat the aá¹£á¹ÂÃÂká¹£ara mantra ("à Ârë Ká¹Âá¹£á¹Âaḥ à Âaraá¹Âaá¹ mama") 3 times. The initiate is then given a kaá¹Âá¹Âhë made of tulasi.
The second ceremony is known as Brahma-sambandha (a state of union with Ká¹Âá¹£á¹Âa). This usually occurs before the initiate is married or as soon as they are considered mature enough to understand the significance of the ceremony. The initiate is made to fast the day prior, bathe, hold a tulasi leaf in the palm of the right hand and repeat the ÃÂtmanivedana-mantra mantra after the guru. After this, the initiate places the tulasi leaf at the feet of the image of Ká¹Âá¹£á¹Âa. After this he or she is considered a proper member of the sampradÃÂya. The mantra and initiation may only be performed by the direct male descendants of Vallabha.
Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha had seven sons among whom he distributed nine major svarà «pas of Kråṣá¹Âa that are worshipped by the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga. Each son founded a lineage that served as leaders of each house or seat of the sampradÃÂya. The sons of Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha, the svarà «pas, and where they currently reside are:
The nine svarà «pas listed in Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga theology are considered svayambhu (self-born), sevya-svarà «pa (having been offered sevàby Vallabha and Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha), and nava-nëdhi (nine receptacles of treasure).
The eldest gosvÃÂmi of the First House (descendants of Giridhara) holds the title of tilakÃÂyat, and is the custodian of à Ârë NÃÂthajë. The tilakÃÂyat is considered the highest authority in the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga.
YadunÃÂtha's descendants also hold KalyÃÂá¹ÂarÃÂi (Baroda, Gujarat) and MukundarÃÂya (VÃÂrÃÂá¹Âasë, Uttar Pradesh).
The eighth house was founded by TulasëdÃÂsa, also known as LÃÂlajë, whose descendants hold GopinÃÂtha (BrÃÂ¥ndÃÂbana, Uttar Pradesh, until 1947 in á¸ÂerÃÂgÃÂzëkhÃÂá¹Â, Sindh). TulasëdÃÂsa was an adopted son of Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha, and the svarà «pa in his descendants' possession is less significant than the other svarà «pas.
The daily sevàand darà Âana periods are meant to portray a day in the life of Kråṣá¹Âa GopÃÂla, or Kråṣá¹Âa as Cow-protector. In the Pushtimarg, sevàis the unselfish worship of a svarà «pa, under the doctrine that the svarà «pa is sentient and appreciates refined food, clothing, and the arts. The themes of the sevàare based on the lëlÃÂs (pastimes or play) of Kråṣá¹Âa as depicted in the BhÃÂgavata PurÃÂá¹Âa. Based on the lëlÃÂ, appropriate pure and high quality food and clothing are offered to the svarà «pa. The svarà «pa is entertained by singers and poets, with paintings called pichvaës being placed in the background to enhance the bhÃÂva ("emotion") of the sevÃÂ.
Through sevÃÂ, members of the sampradÃÂya are meant to experience bhÃÂva in order to understand the rasa (essence) of Kråṣá¹Âa's lëlÃÂs, through which a devotee experiences unselfish love for Kråṣá¹Âa. Sevàoccurs privately in the home, but communal sevàin a haveli is also an important aspect. According to Barz, in the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga, the icons of Kråṣá¹Âa are installed not in temples (mandir) but in mansions (havelë). Ho disagrees and states the temples have always been called mandirs, not havelis. Each mandir/havelë is considered to be the private dwelling of Kråṣá¹Âa and entrance is only granted at appointed darà Âana times.
There are four main types of bhÃÂva: dÃÂsya, sakhya, madhura, and most importantly vÃÂtsalya. VÃÂtsalya bhÃÂva treats Kråṣá¹Âa as if he were a child and the devotee is his caring mother or father. Specifically, devotees aim to model Yashoda, imparting tender love and concern to Kråṣá¹Âa. This bhÃÂva manifests in acts of sevàthrough providing toys and blankets, and cooling Kråṣá¹Âa's meals before serving them. Madhura bhÃÂva places the devotee in the role of a gopë (cowherd-girl of Braj) who takes part in the love-play of Kråṣá¹Âa's lëlÃÂs in the nighttime. Sakhya bhÃÂva places the devotee in the role of gopa (cowherd) as a friend of Kråṣá¹Âa's who takes part in games and cow herding activities in the daytime. DÃÂsya bhÃÂva treats the devotee as a humble servant of Kråṣá¹Âa as a king who praises his master while demeaning himself. This bhÃÂva has less presence in the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga as Vallabha put a greater emphasis on the personal and emotional relationship on the first three bhÃÂvas.
The Pushtimarg tradition is characterized by a strong emphasis on the householder lifestyle (gá¹Âhastha) and generally regards traditional practices of ascetic renunciation unfavorably. This philosophical stance is derived from interpretations of the teachings of the traditionâÂÂs founder, Vallabhacharya (1479âÂÂ1531), particularly the instruction encapsulated in the verse gá¹Âhe sthitvàsvadharmataḥ ("remain a householder and follow oneâÂÂs own dharma"). This teaching requires that the devotee remain within the social network of their family whenever possible, rather than living removed from the social world. Consequently, the philosophical system is viewed as a means to help devotees balance religious obligations with worldly life, affirming that one cannot simply renounce all life duties. This ethos is intrinsically linked to the PushtimargâÂÂs focus on the domestic worship of Kråṣá¹Âa icons (svarà «ps).
The theological justification for rejecting asceticism is detailed in VallabhacharyaâÂÂs treatise Saá¹ÂnyÃÂsanirá¹Âaya ("A Decision on Renunciation"). The text describes an episode involving a disciple named Narhar Sannyasi, who attempted to follow a path of renunciation through extreme austerities. Vallabhacharya corrected him, teaching that in the current degenerate age (Kali Yuga), traditional forms of renunciation can lead to pride and egotism rather than genuine devotion.
Modern hereditary leaders of the sect continue to reinforce this stance; the female leader Goswami Indirabetiji (d. 2016) stated that while marriage itself is not strictly required by scripture, "what is required is that the Vaishnava does not renounce the world."
However, scholars such as John Stratton Hawley have noted that Vallabhacharya himself was much more ambivalent about the value of householdership than his later followers. In his writings, Vallabhacharya had openly acknowledged the difficulties that a householderâÂÂs life places onto the path of pure devotion. Moreover, near the end of his life, Vallabhacharya himself had renounced the householder's life and its material attachments. Hawley suggests that the sharp anti-renunciation stance was amplified by the tradition only after VallabhacharyaâÂÂs death, likely to ensure the continuance of a lineage of male heirs (the Vallabha Kula) who could lead the denomination and secure its wealth.
Baithak, literally "seat", is a site where a prominent Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga figure had taken a seat. These sites are spread across India but they are chiefly concentrated in Braj region in Uttar Pradesh and in western state of Gujarat. There are many Baithaks that are considered sacred; 84 connected to Vallabha, 28 to Viá¹Âá¹ÂhalanÃÂtha, 4 to Giridhara, 13 to GokulanÃÂtha, 1 each to RaghunÃÂtha and Ghanaà ÂyÃÂma, 7 to HarirÃÂya, 2 to DÃÂmodaradÃÂsa HarasÃÂnë, and 2 to à Ârë NÃÂthajë. There also exist 10 caraá¹Âa caukës or pedestals on which à Ârë NÃÂthajë was placed when being taken from Govardhana to Nathdwara.
Members of the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga participate in the largest circumambulation of the Braj region called the baá¹Âë yÃÂtrÃÂ. The pilgrimage lasts between six to seven weeks with several thousand participants and is led by a Maharaj. The pilgrimage starts in Mathura, and then travels to Jatipura (Govardhan), Kaman, Vrindavan, Barsana, Gokul, and other towns. The pilgrims are accompanied by pilgrimage priests called Chaubes.
In the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga, several festivals are celebrated including Holë, Kråṣá¹Âa JanmÃÂá¹£á¹Âamë, NÃÂgapañcamë, and Annakà «á¹Âa. On festival days, the sevàis designed to match the bhÃÂva of the holiday.
Music plays a key role in sevàin the form of kërtans. The aá¹£á¹ÂachÃÂp, or group of eight poets who composed Braj Bhasha devotional poetry (kërtans) are revered in the sect. According to sectarian sources, the eight poets were KumbhanadÃÂsa, Sà «radÃÂsa, NandadÃÂsa, ParamÃÂnandadÃÂsa, Kråṣá¹ÂadÃÂsa, CaturbhujadÃÂsa, GovindasvÃÂmë, and ChëtasvÃÂmë. The most famous of the eight is Sà «radÃÂsa, whose relationship with the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga is most tenuous, and some of the other members also had historically unclear relations to the sect.
In modern times, the musical liturgy contains nearly ten thousand padas by thirty to forty poets including the aá¹£á¹ÂachÃÂp. The kërtans are categorized into five major groups: Nitya (daily), Utsav (festival), BaddhÃÂë (good wishes [used for birthdays]), MalhÃÂr (rainy season), and DhamÃÂr (spring).
In Gujarat, lay devotees sing songs in the dhoḷ tradition. The dhoḷ originated as form of non-sectarian Gujarati folk song that later became identified with Vaishnavism as well as the Vallabhite sect in particular. In modern times, Mallison observed that only among the Vallabhans is the dhoḷ likely to survive. They are sung only by lay Gujarati devotees, particularly women, and are not part of the formal temple Braj liturgy. The authors of dhoḷs are generally not well known in literary circles except for DayÃÂrÃÂm.
The Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga has the general reputation of having most of its followers in Gujarat, Rajasthan, and Mumbai. However, the sect also has a large presence in Delhi, Madhya Pradesh, and Uttar Pradesh. Prior to the Partition of India, there were also followers in Sindh and (West) Punjab who have since migrated to Delhi, Gujarat, and Maharashtra. The region of Braj is theologically the most important region and the homeland of the sect. There also exist outposts of the sect in eastern India, namely Varanasi and Champaranya. There is no presence of the sect in South India.
The followers in Gujarat usually belong to the Bhatia, Lohana, Bania, Marwari, Kanbi/Patidar Patel (elite sections), and higher artisan castes (e.g. Soni, Kansara, Kayasth), almost all of whom reside in urban areas. There are only a small number of Gujarati Brahmins, mainly Shastris, who study and expound upon sectarian texts and perform specialized rituals. In sectarian temples, the Mukhiyas (chief priests), cooks, and water-carriers are all Brahmins from a handful of subcastes (Audichya, Girnara, and Sachora). According to Shah these Brahmins are initiated into the sect. However, it has been observed that many hired Brahmin sevaks in havelis are only nominally followers of the Puá¹£á¹ÂimÃÂrga and actually follow other local traditions. That said, the sect's hereditary religious leaders (Goswamis) and their families are Brahmins.