The inherited, native lexicon of the Hindustani language exhibits a large number of extensive sound changes from its Middle Indo-Aryan and Old Indo-Aryan. Many sound changes are shared in common with other Indo-Aryan languages such as Marathi, Punjabi, and Bengali.
Indo-Aryan etymologizing
The history of Hindustani language is marked by a large number of borrowings at all stages. Native grammarians have devised a set of etymological classes for modern Indo-Aryan vocabulary:
- Tadbhava (, "arising from that") refers to terms that are inherited from vernacular Apabhraá¹ÂÃ
Âa (, "corrupted"), from the dramatic Prakrits, and further from Sanskrit. An example is Hindustani jëbh (à ¤Âà ¥Âà ¤ ) "tongue", inherited through Prakrit jibbhÃÂ, from Sanskrit jihvÃÂ. Such words are the focus of this article.
- Tatsama (, "same as that") refers to words that are borrowed into Hindi or Old Hindi directly from Sanskrit with minor phonological modification (e.g. lack of pronunciation of the final schwa). The Hindi register of Hindustani is associated with a large number of tatsama words through Sanskritisation. An example is Hindustani rÃ
«p (à ¤°à ¥Âà ¤ª ) "form", directly from Sanskrit rÃ
«pa.
- (, "half-same as that") refers to words that are from Sanskrit. That is, words that underwent some tadbhava sound changes, but were adapted on the basis of a Sanskrit word. An example is Hindustani sÃ
«raj (à ¤¸à ¥Âà ¤°à ¤ ) "sun", which is from Prakrit sujja, from Sanskrit sÃ
«rya. We would expect Hindustani *sÃ
«j from Prakrit, but the -r- was added later on after the Sanskrit word. Such adaptation to Sanskrit occurred continuously and as early as the Middle Indo-Aryan stage. Adapted words were crucial to determining the date and chronology of sound changes.
- DeÃ
Âaj (, "indigenous") refers to words that may or may not be derived from Prakrit, but cannot be shown to have a clear Sanskrit etymon. This is sometimes complicated by Sanskrit re-borrowing of Prakrit words. Such words sometimes derive from Non-Indo-Aryan languagesâÂÂprimarily Austroasiatic (Munda) languages, as well as Dravidian and Tibeto-Burman languages. An example is Hindustani Ã
Âá¹Âhnà(à ¤Âà ¤¢à ¤¼à ¤¨à ¤¾ ) "to cover up, veil", from Prakrit ÃÂá¸Âá¸Âhaá¹Âa "covering, cloak", from Dravidian, whence Tamil uá¹Âu (à ®Âà ®Âà ¯Â) "to wear".
In the context of Hindustani, other etymological classes of relevance are:
- Perso-Arabic loanwords, which came to Old Hindi from Classical Persian. The pronunciation is closer to Classical Persian, rather than modern Iranian Persian. The Urdu register of Hindustani is associated with a large number of Perso-Arabic loanwords. An example is Hindustani zubÃÂn "tongue, language", from Classical Persian zubÃÂn (whence Persian zobân).
- Borrowings from Northwestern Indo-Aryan. Modern Hindustani, while based primarily on the language of the Khariboli region, comes from a dialectal mixture. Many of the Western Hindi dialects are transitional to Punjabi and the Northwestern Indo-Aryan languages, and have donated words to Hindustani that underwent Northwestern sound changes. We often encounter doublets like Hindustani makkhan (à ¤®à ¤Âà ¥Âà ¤Âà ¤¨ ) "butter", borrowed from Northwestern dialectsâÂÂcompare Punjabi makkhaá¹ (à ¨®à ©±à ¨Âà ¨£ )âÂÂ, and Hindustani mÃÂkhan (à ¤®à ¤¾à ¤Âà ¤¨ ), the native tadbhava term which is now archaic/obsolete outside of fossilized phrases.
Like many other languages, many phenomena in the historical evolution of Hindustani are better explained by the wave model than by the tree model. In particular, the oldest changes like the retroflexion of dental stops and loss of á¹ have been subject to a great deal of dialectal variance and borrowing. In the face of doublets like Hindustani baá¹Âhnà(à ¤¬à ¤¢à ¤¼à ¤¨à ¤¾ ) "to increase" and badhnà(à ¤¬à ¤§à ¤¨à ¤¾ ) "to increase" where one has undergone retroflexion and the other has not, it is difficult to know exactly under what conditions the sound change operated. One often encounters sound changes described as "spontaneous" or "sporadic" in the literature (such as "spontaneous nasalization"). This means that the sound change's context and/or isogloss (i.e. dialects in which the sound change operated) have been sufficiently obscured by inter-dialect borrowing, semi-learned adaptations to Classical Sanskrit or Prakrits, or analogical leveling.
Changes up to late Middle Indo-Aryan
Changes from late Middle Indo-Aryan up to Old Hindi
Changes after this point characterize the New Indo-Aryan (NIA) era from the MIA period. These changes up to Old Hindi (OH) start to distinguish Hindi from nearby languages like Marathi, Gujarati, and Punjabi. Many of these rules are sporadically underway already in Late Prakrit/Apabhramsha.
- Prakrit á¹ /ó/, ḷ /ÃÂ/ are dentalized to n /nê/, l /l/ everywhere. In Marathi, Gujarati, and Punjabi, we instead find retroflex forms intervocalically and dental forms elsewhere.
- Intervocalic v /ÃÂ/ is lost around ëà/i(ÃÂ)/. â Prakrit á¹ÂÃÂvia- (à ¤£à ¤¾à ¤µà ¤¿à ¤Â
-) > Hindustani nÃÂë (à ¤¨à ¤¾à ¤ ) "barber". Compare Marathi nhÃÂvë (à ¤¨à ¥Âà ¤¹à ¤¾à ¤µà ¥Â).
- Initial v /ÃÂ/ > b /b/ and medial vv /ÃÂÃÂ/ > bb /bÃÂ/ â Prakrit vÃÂla- (à ¤µà ¤¾à ¤²âÂÂ-) > OH bÃÂla (à ¤¬à ¤¾à ¤² ) "hair", whence Hindustani bÃÂl. Compare Gujarati vÃÂḷ (à ªµà ª¾à ª³).
- ë is shortened before a vowel. â Prakrit bëa- (à ¤¬à ¥Âà ¤Â
-) > OH/Hindustani biyà(à ¤¬à ¤¿à ¤¯à ¤¾ ) "seed".
- Several vowel coalescence rules that reduce the frequency of vowels in hiatus. These rules are present to some degree in all NIA languages:
- Diphthongs ai /aáê/, au /aáÃÂ/, ÃÂy /ÃÂÃÂj/, and ÃÂv /ÃÂÃÂÃÂ/ are the outcomes of the two-vowel sequences aï /ÃÂ.i/, aü /ÃÂ.u/, ÃÂi /ÃÂÃÂ.i/, and ÃÂu /ÃÂÃÂ.u/, respectively.
- When followed by a stressed vowel, short i /i/ and u /u/ become glides. â Prakrit pivÃÂsÃÂ- (à ¤ªà ¤¿à ¤µà ¤¾à ¤¸à ¤¾-, /piÃÂÃÂÃÂsÃÂÃÂ/) > Apa. piÃÂsa- (à ¤ªà ¤¿à ¤Âà ¤¸âÂÂ-, /piÃÂÃÂÃÂ.sÃÂ/) > OH pyÃÂsa (à ¤ªà ¥Âà ¤¯à ¤¾à ¤¸ , /ÃÂpjÃÂÃÂ.sÃÂ/) "thirst", whence Hindustani pyÃÂs.
- When a short, unstressed vowel is preceded by /i(ÃÂ) u(ÃÂ) eàoÃÂ/, the second vowel is lost and the first vowel is lengthened if short. â Prakrit sëala- (à ¤¸à ¥Âà ¤Â
à ¤²âÂÂ-, /siÃÂÃÂlÃÂ/) > OH sëla (à ¤¸à ¥Âà ¤² , /ÃÂsiÃÂ.lÃÂ/) "cold, damp", whence Hindustani sël.
- Prakrit /ÃÂÃÂ/ (spelled aa à ¤Â
à ¤Â
, aya à ¤Â
à ¤¯) generally coalesces to the diphthong ai /aáê/ (more rarely /aáÃÂ/), but can sometimes contract further to e /eÃÂ/. Similarly, ava /ÃÂÃÂÃÂ/ coalesces to the diphthong au /aáÃÂ/, but can sometimes contract further to o /oÃÂ/. â Prakrit á¹Âaaá¹Âa- (à ¤£à ¤Â
à ¤£âÂÂ-, /nÃÂ.ÃÂ.nÃÂ/) > OH naina (à ¤¨à ¥Âà ¤¨ , /ÃÂnêaáê.nêÃÂ/) "eye", whence Hindustani nain. Turner explains the occasional further contraction of ai > e and au > o (at least for Gujarati) in terms of inherited words versus semi-learned words: in the former the process has had time to go further. A similar explanation of occasions where -y- possessed more reality could be drawn up to word frequency, dialectal borrowing, and semi-learned borrowings.
- Remaining short/long vowels of like quality coalesce into a single long vowel. â Prakrit duuá¹Âa- (à ¤¦à ¥Âà ¤Âà ¤£-, /dêu.u.nêÃÂ/) > OH dÃ
«na (à ¤¦à ¥Âà ¤¨ , /ÃÂdêuÃÂ.nêÃÂ/).
- In remaining cases or in if a morpheme boundary is felt between the vowels in hiatus, vowels may not coalesce. A semivowel may optionally appear to fill the hiatus.
- Sound changes relating to the simplification of consonant clusters:
- For stressed syllables, the general rule is VCà> VÃÂC and VNC > á¹¼ÃÂC. That is, a consonant cluster is simplified and the preceding vowel undergoes compensatory lengthening or lengthening + nasalization. Per usual, a /ÃÂ/ lengthens and shifts in quality to à/ÃÂÃÂ/. Short allophonic à/e/ and à/o/ always elongate to e /eÃÂ/ and o /oÃÂ/. This change occurred in all regions in some form, excluding the Northwest (e.g. Punjabi). Generally, this sound change had already occurred in the East by the eighth century AD, based on inscriptions found in East Bengal and Chinese-Sanskrit dictionaries of the time. It was probably completed in the Central region by the tenth century.
- Prakrit satta (à ¤¸à ¤¤à ¥Âà ¤¤âÂÂ, /sÃÂtêÃÂÃÂ/) > OH sÃÂta (à ¤¸à ¤¾à ¤¤ , /ÃÂsÃÂÃÂ.têÃÂ/) "seven", whence Hindustani sÃÂt. Compare Punjabi sattà(à ¨¸à ©±à ¨¤ ).
- Prakrit daá¹Âta- (à ¤¦à ¤Âà ¤¤âÂÂ-, /dêÃÂnê.têÃÂ/) > OH dÃÂÃÂta (à ¤¦à ¤¾à ¤Âà ¤¤ , /ÃÂdêÃÂÃÂÃÂ.têÃÂ/) "tooth", whence Hindustani dÃÂÃÂt. Compare Punjabi dand (à ¨¦à ©°à ¨¦ ).
- Compensatory lengthening from older geminates was sometimes accompanied by spontaneous (and regionally random) nasalization of the vowel. In some cases, this goes back to Prakrit or is otherwise reflected in nearby NIA languages.
- Unstressed syllables generally underwent VCà> VC and VNC > VNC, i.e. the vowel is left short. â Prakrit kappÃ
«ra- (à ¤Âà ¤ªà ¥Âà ¤ªà ¥Âà ¤°âÂÂ-, /kÃÂpÃÂuÃÂþÃÂ/) > OH kapÃ
«ra (à ¤Âà ¤ªà ¥Âà ¤° , /kÃÂÃÂpuÃÂ.þÃÂ/) "camphor". Compare Old Marathi kÃÂpura (ðÂÂÂð°ð¢ð³ð¨), with lengthening of a > ÃÂ.
- When a stressed VCàor VNC syllable is preceded by another heavy syllable (i.e. of the form VÃÂ(C), VCÃÂ, or VNC), it will also sometimes undergo VCà> VC and VNC > VNC with no compensatory lengthening, shifting stress onto the preceding syllable. â Prakrit pÃÂlakka- (à ¤ªà ¤¾à ¤²à ¤Âà ¥Âà ¤ÂâÂÂ-, /pÃÂÃÂlÃÂkÃÂÃÂ/) > OH pÃÂlaka (à ¤ªà ¤¾à ¤²à ¤ , /ÃÂpÃÂÃÂ.lÃÂ.kÃÂ/) "spinach", whence Hindustani pÃÂlak. Occasionally, though, compensatory lengthening will occur, as in Prakrit bhattijja- (à ¤Âà ¤¤à ¥Âà ¤¤à ¤¿à ¤Âà ¥Âà ¤ÂâÂÂ-, /bñÃÂtêÃÂidáÃÂÃÂÃÂ/) > OH bhatëjà(à ¤Âà ¤¤à ¥Âà ¤Âà ¤¾ , /bñÃÂÃÂtêiÃÂ.dáÃÂÃÂÃÂ/) "nephew", whence Hindustani bhatëjÃÂ.
Changes within Old Hindi and up to Hindustani
The following sound changes characterize certain dialects of Old Hindi, later Old Hindi, and modern Hindustani. These changes distinguish Hindustani from other Central Indo-Aryan languages, like Braj Bhasha and Awadhi.
- Final nominative -au (-à ¤ ) > -à(-à ¤ ). Compare Marathi -à(-à ¤Â), Punjabi -à(-à ¨ ), but Gujarati -o (-à ªÂ) and Braj -au (-à ¤Â).
- Attenuation of post-tonic and final short vowels to /ÃÂ/. A number of words are saved from this lenition by semi-learned lengthening of the final vowel.
- During the Old Hindi stage, final unstressed -ai (-à ¤ ) and -au (-à ¤ ) monophthongized to -e (-à ¤ ) and -o (-à ¤ ), respectively.
- Long vowels (often resulting from compensatory lengthening) are generally shortened (accompanied by a change in quality if necessary) before two or more syllables where at least one of the syllables is heavy. That is, à> a (ÃÂà> ÃÂ), e ë > i (eàià> i), o Ã
« > u (oàu > u). This rule is fairly productive in Modern Hindustani and partially explains Hindi's distinctive ablaut alterations when certain words are suffixed.
- OH mëá¹ÂhÃÂë (à ¤®à ¥Âà ¤ à ¤¾à ¤ ) > later OH miá¹ÂhÃÂë (à ¤®à ¤¿à ¤ à ¤¾à ¤ ) "sweetness", whence Hindustani miá¹ÂhÃÂë. As a general rule in modern Hindustani, the stressed suffix -ÃÂë causes the root vowel to reduce, hence Hindustani mëá¹Âhà"sweet" + -ÃÂë â miá¹ÂhÃÂë "sweetness" with short -i-.
- OH ÃÂpanà(à ¤Âà ¤ªà ¤¨à ¤¾ ) > later OH apanà(à ¤Â
à ¤ªà ¤¨à ¤¾ ) "one's, your", whence Hindustani apnÃÂ. Compare Gujarati ÃÂpno (à ªÂà ªªà ª¨à «Â), where the àwas never shortened.
- Old Hindi has a huge influx of tatsama borrowings and ardhatasama (semi-learned) borrowings from Sanskrit. For instance, from Prakrit suddha- (à ¤¸à ¥Âà ¤¦à ¥Âà ¤§-) we find both OH sÃ
«dha (à ¤¸à ¥Âà ¤§âÂÂ-) and OH sudha (à ¤¸à ¥Âà ¤§âÂÂ-) meaning "pure". The first is the expected reflex and the second term was influenced in vowel length by the Sanskrit etymon Ã
Âuddha (à ¤¶à ¥Âà ¤¦à ¥Âà ¤§âÂÂ) "pure". The tatsama Ã
Âuddha (à ¤¶à ¥Âà ¤¦à ¥Âà ¤§) is itself encountered in Old Hindi and Hindustani.
- In verbs, the length of the vowel is frequently manipulated to reflect the transitivity of the verb. This tendency is known since SanskritâÂÂcompare passive tapyate (à ¤¤à ¤ªà ¥Âà ¤¯à ¤¤à ¥Â) "is heated" with active tÃÂpayati (à ¤¤à ¤¾à ¤ªà ¤¯à ¤¤à ¤¿) "heats, causes to heat up". From Prakrit tappa- (à ¤¤à ¤ªà ¥Âà ¤ªâÂÂ-) we get the Hindustani pair tapnà(à ¤¤à ¤ªà ¤¨à ¤¾) "to be heated" and tÃÂpnà(à ¤¤à ¤¾à ¤ªà ¤¨à ¤¾) "to heat (something)".
- In some multi-syllabic words, the VCàor VNC sequence was left unsimplified, perhaps due to borrowing from the northwest (whence Punjabi and Sindhi). The vowel lengthening rules did not take place in the northwestern region (words with the VCà> VÃÂC and VNC > á¹¼ÃÂC sound change in Punjabi and Sindhi are themselves borrowings from other Indo-Aryan languages, like Hindustani). These borrowings, likely from a Western Hindi dialect transitional to Punjabi, result in a large number of doublets in Hindustani.
- Indo-Aryan schwa deletion: àâ âÂÂ
/ VC_CV, _#, though the application of this rule (particularly when there are many schwas in sequence) is dependent on the morphological boundaries of the word. This change is not indicated in the Devanagari script for Hindustani. â OH rÃÂta (à ¤°à ¤¾à ¤¤ ) > Hindustani rÃÂt (à ¤°à ¤¾à ¤¤ ) "night".
- When short i /i/ or u /u/ are in the VC_CV or _# contexts and the immediately preceding syllable has short a /ÃÂ/, the a /ÃÂ/ will assimilate to the i /i/ or u /u/ and the original i /i/ or u /u/ will be deleted. â OH aá¹Â
gulë (à ¤Â
à ¤Âà ¤Âà ¥Âà ¤²à ¥ ) > Hindustani uá¹Â
glë (à ¤Âà ¤Âà ¤Âà ¤²à ¥ ) "finger". Compare Punjabi aá¹Â
gulë (à ¨Â
à ¨Âà ¨Âà ©Âà ¨²à © ), uá¹Â
gulë (à ¨Âà ¨Âà ¨Âà ©Âà ¨²à © ), uá¹Â
gal (à ¨Âà ¨Âà ¨Âà ¨² ).
- Unstressed (short) vowels are also lost in other positions, particularly initial vowels in words of 3 or more syllables or intertonic short vowels. â OH aá¹ÂhÃÂë (à ¤Â
à ¤¢à ¤¼à ¤¾à ¤ ) > Hindustani á¸ÂhÃÂë (à ¤¢à ¤¾à ¤ ) "two and a half".
- Lenition of á¹¼bh > Vmh and VÃÂb > Vm. â OH ÃÂÃÂba (à ¤Âà ¤Âà ¤¬ ) > Hindustani ÃÂm (à ¤Âà ¤® ) "mango".
- Loss of nasal aspiration if not pre-vowel. â OH tumha (à ¤¤à ¥Âà ¤®à ¥Âà ¤¹ ) > Hindustani tum (à ¤¤à ¥Âà ¤® ) "you". Compare Marathi tumhë (à ¤¤à ¥Âà ¤®à ¥Âà ¤¹à ¥Â) and Hindustani tumhÃÂrà(à ¤¤à ¥Âà ¤®à ¥Âà ¤¹à ¤¾à ¤°à ¤¾ ) "your", where the medial -mh- is retained as it is pre-vowel.
- Sounds from loanwords: The sounds /f, z, ÃÂ, q, x, ã/ are loaned into Hindi-Urdu from Persian, English, and Portuguese.
- In Hindi, /f/ and /z/ are most well-established, but can be /pð/ or /dÃÂ/ in rustic speech. /q, x, ã/ are variably (by dialect) assimilated into /k, kð, g/, respectively, and /ÃÂ/ is almost never pronounced and substituted by /ÃÂ/ or /dÃÂð/.
- /pð/ is starting to merge into /f/ in a number of Hindustani dialects.
- Sanskrit Ṡis borrowed into Gujarati, Hindustani and Bengali as /rê/, but is pronounced more like /ru/ in languages like Marathi and Odia.
- Monophthongization of ai to /ÃÂà~ æÃÂ/ and au to /ÃÂÃÂ/ in many non-Eastern dialects. A separate /æÃÂ/ arguably exists in Hindustani by English loanwords.
- Shifts before /æ/: Before h + a short vowel or deleted schwa, the pronunciation of short a shifts allophonically to short [ÃÂ] or [ÃÂ] (only if the short vowel is u). This change is part of the prestige dialect of Delhi, but may not occur to the full degree for every speaker. Often, this step is taken further by assimilation of short vowel after /æ/ to [ÃÂ] or [ÃÂ], and then by loss of /æ/ and coalescence/lengthening of vowels into long /ÃÂÃÂ/ and /ÃÂÃÂ/. In some cases, different inflections of the same word have differing outcomes.
- Hindustani bahut (à ¤¬à ¤¹à ¥Âà ¤¤ , /bÃÂ.æÃÂtê/) > [bÃÂ.æÃÂtê] > [bÃÂ.æÃÂtê] > [bÃÂÃÂtê] "a lot, many"
- Hindustani kahnà(à ¤Âà ¤¹à ¤¨à ¤¾ , /kÃÂæ.näÃÂ/) > [kÃÂæ.näÃÂ] > [kÃÂÃÂ.näÃÂ] "to say", but kahegà(à ¤Âà ¤¹à ¥Âà ¤Âà ¤¾ ) "he will say" is still pronounced regularly as [kÃÂ.æeÃÂ.gäÃÂ].
Examples of sound changes
The following table shows a possible sequence of changes for some basic vocabulary items, leading from Sanskrit to Modern Hindustani. Words may not be attested at every stage.
References
Bibliography
Further reading