Multiracial feminist theory is a theoretical framework that emerged from the scholarship and activism of women of color (WOC), gaining prominence during the second-wave feminist movement. This body of scholarship "does not offer a singular or unified feminism but a body of knowledge situating women and men in multiple systems of domination".
Multiracial feminist theory is rooted in critiques of "normative accounts" of the second-wave feminist movement, which are criticized for predominately focusing on the experiences of white and middle-class women and failing to acknowledge women of color's contributions to women's liberation movements.
This theory maintains that mainstream accounts of feminist activism do not adequately address the overlap between racism and misogyny in how women of color navigate oppression.
Scholars and communities of women refer to multiracial feminist theory using different terms. For instance, Professor Chela Sandoval uses the term "U.S. Third World Feminisms," which aims to map out how social efforts of U.S. and global political opposition intersect.
First gaining momentum in the 1970s, multiracial feminism developed as a movement that analyzed racism, classism, and sexism as interlocking identities that constitute both privilege and oppression. Multiracial feminism is described as a "liberation movement spearheaded by women of color" and focuses primarily on intersectional analysis and an international and multiracial approach to oppression. Although not sufficiently acknowledged by "normative accounts" of the second-wave movement, women of color and white women actively sought to combat racism and colonialism.
Black feminists believed that "cross-racial struggle made clear the work that white women needed to do in order for cross-racial sisterhood to really be powerful." White women also recognized that sexism was not the sole root of women's oppression. They collaborated to advance an anti-racist movement that incorporated inter-related forms of oppression. Scholarship on this topic, including work by Becky Thompson, notes how second-wave feminism was inspired by other political movements in the 1960s and 1970s, such as the Black Power, New Left, and Civil Rights movements.
Multiple feminist organizations focused on their distinct identities. Examples include Hijas de Cuauhtémoc, a Chicana-based group, and The Asian Sisters, who focused on drug abuse in Los Angeles around the 1970s.
Key figures who have contributed to multiracial feminist theory include:
A fundamental tenet of multiracial feminist theory is the requirement of intersectionality to broaden contemporary feminist discourse.
Despite this focus, multiracial feminism struggles to gain momentum as an intersectional approach to combating oppression and is considered a relatively recent concept in quantitative research. However, Catherine Harnois writes in her book, Feminist Measure in Survey Research, that multiracial feminism may be more beneficial to feminist discourse than once assumed.
Family study, formation, and power relations have been extensively examined using a multiracial feminist approach, revealing a hidden power dynamic between "advantaged families and disadvantaged families." Advantaged families have been shown to rely on the labor and disadvantage of poorer families, women, women of color, minorities, and immigrants.
Women of color provide an "outsider within" perspective as they are active participants in dominance while simultaneously being oppressed by it. In understanding multiracial feminism, interlocking forms of oppression persist to marginalize groups of people. While some individuals remain oppressed, others are privileged at the expense of those who do not obtain the benefits of the system.
Patricia Hill Collins defines the term Matrix of Domination to refer to how various forms of oppression operate differently depending on one's social location. In reference to this term, individuals will have varying experiences with gender, class, race, and sexuality based on their social position relative to structural powers. In terms of interlocking oppressions, this results in different social groups experiencing varying degrees of subordination and privilege.
Although women of color are rarely credited as being prominent in the second-wave feminist movement, multiracial feminism was evident in the 1980s, 1990s, and continues today.
In the 1970s, women of color worked alongside hegemonic, white feminist groups but found them to be largely centered on the white, middle-class feminist issues of the time. With the help of white, anti-racist women, women of color gave rise to multiracial feminist theory and led to the development of organizations created by and for women of color.
Multiracial feminists of the 1980s challenged white feminism by articulating the individual experiences of women of color, immigrants, and "third-world women" who had been largely marginalized. This was mainly achieved through multiracial feminist writings, some of which date back as far as the 1960s.
There has been a consistent presence of multiracial feminists, journalists, and scholars utilizing online media to theorize and write about intersectionality and the multiracial experience as it relates collaboratively to class, gender, and race.
In 2020, journalist Janell Hobson published a critique of white feminist activism on msmagazine.com, stressing the exclusion of women of color from contemporary feminist discourse and arguing for the necessity of feminists to "reclaim solidarity" by acknowledging race and gender as intertwined issues. Similarly, Lara Witt, writing for rewirenewsgroup.com, drew upon her own experience of privilege and oppression to understand her role as a multiracial feminist addressing racism against Black, Hispanic, and Indian people.
Also in 2020, Mikki KendallâÂÂs book, Hood Feminism, called attention to the valorization of "fierce" women by white feminism, noting: "The women most likely to be called fierce are also the most likely to be facing the greatest social risks."
Since 2022, digital activism informed by multiracial feminism has seen a noticeable shift toward transnational analysis and critiques of technology.
Organizations central to the movement include:
Some criticisms have been raised questioning whether multiracial feminist theory can produce measurable results due to a lack of "existing survey tools" by which to quantify or examine those experiences.