The Masovian Borderland dialect () belongs to the Lesser Poland dialect group and is located in the central part of Poland. It borders the Kielce dialect to the south, the à ÂÃÂczyca dialect to the east, the Western Lublin dialect, Masovian à Âowicz dialect to the northeast, and the Near Mazovian dialect to the north. Similar to à ÂÃÂczyca and Sieradz, influences from many dialect regions can be seen here. It encompasses the southwestern regions of historic Masovia and the central part of northern Lesser Poland, extending to the Pilica River in the north and the Vistula River in the east; the southern border runs along a line from Piotrków Trybunalski, Radom, and Puà Âawy. This dialect is a transitional dialect between Lesser Poland and Masovia.
Atypical of Lesser Polish dialects, devoicing of word-final consonants before vowels and liquids is present here, except in the masculine past tense: brat oà ¼eniuà  siÃÂ; nie mógem (nie mogà Âem). More typical of Lesser Polish dialects is the presence of mazurzenie, as well as siakanie (kosiula) and sometimes even szadzenie (naà ¼ywaly (nazywali)).
The greatest number of dialectal features are preserved in the phonology - there exists a tendency to eliminate dialectal phonetic realizations seen in hypercorrect forms which occur more frequently due to the borderline location dialect causing a mixture of different pronunciations, with those consistent with the general Polish norm being preferred.
Ablaut of 'e|'o is often missing, most often in verb stems: biere (biorÃÂ), ubiere sie, podniese siÃÂ, zgnietà Ây, wlekà Âa, przyniesà Âa, przywiezà Ây; also in do siestry, zamietà Âo siÃÂ, pomietà Âo siÃÂ; à ¼eniato, nieà ¼eniato; w Kocieà Âkach, w kosienkach, Pietrek, bierã (biorÃÂ).
Traces of -ew-|-ow- can be seen mostly in the toponym do GÃ Âowaczewa.
Mobile e is sometimes inserted: kiosek, wiater, kalesony leniane, obrusek liniany, po Kacperze, bober (bóbr), meter (metr), Pioter (Piotr) or can be removed due to hypercorrection: swetr.
Clear a is realized as a. The group ra- is shifted to re- in a few lexicalized terms under Masovian influence: redà Âo, redliÃÂ, obredliÃÂ, zaredliÃÂ, redliny; a shift of ja- > je- does not occur, but tautosyllabic aj can change to ej: dzisiej, tutej, but daj is realized as in standard Polish. Clear e is generally realized as e, but under certain conditions can raise to y or i. Clear o is generally realized as o, but the terms ktuà Â, cuà Â, chuàshow raising and the imperatives chódà º, nie wychódà º, pszychódà º. Clear o can also raise before r, l, b: doktór, do kumury, pomidury, cekulada, marmulada, samuloty, rubota, ubora, z Bubrownik or in the terms kukartka, skudnik, zazdrusce, and possibly via analogy to mà Âóciàthe terms mà Âócka, omà Âóty.
The cluster -ir- does not always lower: pirszy, wirzch, sirp, smirÃÂ.
Via leveling or potentially hypercorrection, u can change to o: sprobowaÃÂ, wlok siÃÂ, ros. The adjective from Brzóza is commonly realized as brzyski perhaps due to assimilation to the soft k' in -ski.
The vowels i and y can lower to e before liquids l, r, n, à Â, m: dengus, do Gorenia goà Âcieniec, lenija, w Jedleà Âsku. In the north, i and y are very inconsistent, and often one replaces the other, especially in the north.
Slanted vowels are generally perceived as dialectal, and as such their raised pronunciations are generally avoided.
Slanted á is rarely realized as o, but is generally realized as clear a, it may occur in the masculine singular past tense or imperative: czekoà Â, pogniwoà Âem sie, pracowoà Âeà Â, nie pytoj sie; in adjectival declension: jencmianno kasa, tako murowano piwnica, pierszo komunia, siódmo klasa; feminine surnames or forms derived from husbands' names: Koralesko, Stefanowo, Chrostowo, Zakrzesko; verb stems: godaÃÂ, kozaÃÂ, lotaÃÂ, porozmowiaÃÂ, spoliÃÂ, zoboczyÃÂ; nominal stems: dziod, kawoà Â, kwost, nosienie, poà Âka, sadzowka, à Âniodanie; the suffixes -ak, -arz: chojok, kusoki, faryniorz, dyngusiorze, Krzeà Âniok (surname), Woà ºniok (surname); personal pronuns: jo, nos, wos; and adverbs: dzisioj, nieroz, teroz, zaro. Realization of á as o is less frequent in the superlative prefix naj-: nojkrótszy, nojzdrowszy and also less often in the feminine nominative singular of nouns: ta kaso jencmianno, ta snowadlo. Hypercorrections of etymological o to a also occur: wdawiec (wdowiec); welan (welon).
Slanted é raises more often than slanted á to either y (after hard consonants) or i (after soft consonants), however, lé shows fluctuation: chlib||chlyb, mliki||mlyko, talirz||talyrz; raising occurs in: the infinitive of -eàverbs: popaczszyÃÂ, chciÃÂ, leciÃÂ, siedziÃÂ; the comparative and superlative of adjectives and adverbs: gorzy, lepi, dawni, wiÃÂcy; oblique forms of feminine adjectival declension: do ty polowy kuchni, po lewy strunie, taki krótki sukienki; verb stems: ubiraàsiÃÂ, rozlygaàsiÃÂ, spacyrowaÃÂ, à ÂpiwaÃÂ; nominal stems: bida, dzià  dobry, mliko, syrokoà ÂÃÂ, piniendze, kawalir, Liwaszówka (Lewaszówka); and personal and possessive pronouns: przyglundoà  siàji, mieszkaà Âam u ni, u twoji babci. The words tyà ¼, rozumisz, umisz, wisz, dopiro, pirw, trochy, inaczy, and raczy tend to show similar raising; raising occurs less often in nie, nie-: ni moge, nichtóre, Nimce, nimodne
Slanted ó is realized as u.
The cluster aN may raise to uN: dum, godum, kolezunka, mum, num, obirum, pamientum, pytom, schowum, sum, szukum, wracum, wum, wyczszymuà  (wytrzymaà Â), wydum. The cluster eN sporadically lowers (also sometimes to [æ]): lan (len), manaà ¼ki (menaà ¼ki), but more often remains as eN as in standard Polish: ten, jeden, ciemny, pszenica. The cluster oN generally raises to uN, but oN can also be seen: bruny, bumba, zadzwuniÃÂ. The cluster uN (especially un) sporadically lowers to oN: gront.
The nasal vowelà  Ã , àtend to decompose except before sibilants: bende, ksiunc, kuà Âdziel, munka but gàszcz, gÃÂsi, gÃÂsty, jÃÂzyk, màsz, wàski. Medial -à- tends to raise to uN, including sometimes before sibilants: ciungnik, goà Âumpki, lezuncy, sumsiatka, wjunzaÃÂ, à Âlunzak. Word final -àcan be either -um or -u depending on the morphological context, but generally raises and does so consistently. Medial -ÃÂ- is generally realized like in standard Polish, that is as -eN- or -ÃÂ-: gÃÂsi, jÃÂzyk, peà ÂdziÃÂ, tempy, zemby; word final -àis realized as -e as in standard Polish: (ja) à Âmieje sie, boje sie, (czytam) te ksionszke, (zamykam) brame, but sometimes nasality is kept as -àor -ã.
Denaslization occurs in future forms of byÃÂ: bede, bedzies, bedzie and the terms chumoto (chomàto) and Mukosy (Màkosy); secondary nasalization occurs in terms like Cencelówka (Cecylówka), angryst, anklirz, mienszaÃÂ, przyjmnoà ÂÃÂ, rozjarzniÃÂ, zadowolnienie, zadowolniuny.
Uncontracted forms occur and dominate: bojaÃÂ siÃÂ i stojaÃÂ. Latinate -ija/-yja words do not shorten: akacyja, harmunija.
Initial o- labializes to ô-: ôkno, ô mnie, ôd poà Âudnia; medial -o- can also labialize: baôr, BÃ´à ¼e, Leônka, obôraÃÂ, robôta, samôloty, swôje, wôjna, wôjsko, wôzu (woà ¼Ã ), wôda; initial u- also labializes to û-: ûciekaÃÂ, ûn, ûna, ûny; medial -u- can also labialize: poûmierali, poûkà Âadane; hypercorrection can occur: Byà Ây tam uà ¼ka (à ÂÃ³à ¼ka) pientrowe; Aà ¼ stond byà Âo widaàten poà ¼ar, jednolyta una (à Âuna). Initial i- often and less often initial a-, e- gain prothetic j-: jidzie, Jagata, Jantek, Janielcia, Jewcia, jale, jakurat.
Masuration is generally present: barsc, zniwa, but given that Masuration is a dialectal feature heavily marked in the minds of speakers, it's often avoided, resulting in a very uneven distribution of these realizations, and for some speakers it occurs very little and for others predominately; an example of a hypercorrection is szmalec (smalec). A similar process that occurs in the region is Jabà Âonkowanie: kasiel (kaszel) - it occurs here irregularly, most often in loanwords (ziandarm) or in consonant clusters (à Âlachetny, à ÂfarowaÃÂ, à Ânurek, à Âpital, à ÂprechaÃÂ) or as a result of assimilation (straà Ânie, beà Âpiecnie, à ºniwa, à Âlià Âmy, poà Âlià Âmy).
A common feature of the realization of l as hard as the result of Masovian influence; this feature stands out less in the minds of speakers and as such is harder to avoid: blyny, blysko, cierlyca, glyna.
The velars k, g, have hardened: kedy, and ch is often softened: muchi (muchy), marchiew (marchew).
Common to Lesser Poland dialects is the gemination of s, à Â, sz: na bosso/ na bossoka, wià ÂsieÃÂ, powjeà ÂsiÃÂ, wywjeà ÂsiÃÂ, wjeszszak; do lassu.
Soft labials tend to decompose as in Masovian dialects: bjaà Ây, kobjeta, mjeszkanie, pjasek, pjerszy, wjeczór; this can lead to hypercorrection of à  > m (as in many dialects that do this change ḿ > à Â): micielnica (nicielnica), mitka (nitka), Mizià Âski (Nizià Âski), misko (nisko). The cluster à ÂẠhardens in the word à Âwynia, common in Masovia; this does not occur in other words.
The clusters trz-, strz- tend to simplify: paczsze (patrzÃÂ), powjeczsze (powietrze), poczebne (potrzebne); rs, rà Â, rsz can simplify to sz: baszc (barszcz), gosztki (garstki), gaszà(garà ÂÃÂ) oraz wasztat (warsztat); word-final -kà Â, -dà Â, -gà Â, -bà Â, -rà Â, -jn, -à Âàor -zn lose their final consonant: wyblak, posed, podlaz, ûmar, zasà Âab; paà Â, mÃÂszczyz, kombaj; medial and initial clusters can simplify, e.g. -bà Âk- > -pk-: japko; -bw- > -b-: obarzanki; chà Â- > ch-: chopak; -dlà Â- > -là Â- or (less often) -dà Â-: Jelnia/Jednia (Jedlnia); gdà º- > dà º-: dzie; -lk- > -l-: tylo; -nd- > -d-: fudament; -ng- > -g-: kontygent; -stk- > -sk- : fszysko; -rk > -k: jarmak; -rnk- > -rk-: garki; -rwsz- > -rsz- : pjerszy; -tÃÂ- > -ÃÂ-: w gecie âÂÂw getcieâÂÂ; -wsk- > -sk-: Zakszeski (Zakrzewski); and wzr- > zr-: zruszyàsie.
Assimilation can occur in some words: Kaspszycki (Kacprzycki), smentarz (cmentarz), srebà Âo (srebro), zrucaà(zrzucaÃÂ), jednostalnie (jednostajnie), jajesznica (jajecznica). More common is dissimilation: chtoà Â, chtóry, nicht, dochtór, mjentkie (miÃÂkkie), letko (lekko), mgleà(mdleÃÂ), mgà Ây (mdà Ây), czostku (czosnku), dà Âugszy (dà Âuà ¼szy); kfolyà(chwaliÃÂ), kwarde (twarde), krzest (chrzest), zachà Âad (zakà Âad).
The cluster à ºr- can occur as rz- as in Lesser Poland: dorzieÃÂ, urzieÃÂ, oberzieàsiÃÂ.
Influence from Masovian and Lesser Polish dialects can be seen.
The dative plural is most regularly -um due to sound changes: gospodarzum, krowum. The feminine accusative-instrumental singular can be realized as -um or -u: Tatuà  z mojum siostrum sztarszum, pot tum letnium kuchnium; pot podà Âogu. The instrumental plural ending can harden to -amy: kartoflamy, kuà Âmy. The genitive singular of masculine nouns often differs: do doma, do roga, do lasa, do samochoda next to tego à Âfjatu, tego transformatoru. The genitive plural may be formed with -ów for all genders as this ending is seen as more distinct: bapków, jajków. However, -y or -â can occur in place of -ów: widelcy, palcy, widelcy, palcy. The locative singular can be formed with -e instead of -u as the result of Masuration: w krzyzie, w kapelusie. This can occasionally happen in the neuter, but -u is preferred. The instrumental plural of rÃÂka is rencami. The nominative plural -a is somewhat kept: te kontengenta, te instrumenta, te pulsa. Masculine personal nouns are often leveled to masculine animal: te syny, te kawalery, te muzykanty, te partyzanty, te pasierby; te Niemce, te gajowe, te wuje, te ojce; te kolegi, te niewolniki, te hydrauliki. The genitive may replace the accusative for non-masculine personal nouns: Ona wszystkich tych kobit wyprowadzià Âa; Te chà Âopoki lepi braà Ây tych kobit, bo byà Ây dobre tancerki or the opposite: W ramieniu dostaà  ból; dostaà  zawaà Â. A small number of nouns differ in gender or in the nominative: ta ryzyka (to ryzyko), ten wiÃÂzieà  (to wiÃÂzienie), ta kontrol (ta kontrola), ten à Âàczek (ta à Âàczka), to brzucho (ten brzuch), brukwia (brukiew), brwa (brew). A common masculine dative singular ending is -oji, and for neuter -u is most common. The genitive singular of feminine nouns ending in a soft consonant is -e. Feminine nouns ending in -o (-á) take -àin the accusative singular, otherwise -a is used for the accusative singular of feminine nouns.
The masculine-neuter instrumental singular can be -em due to sound changes: broà  byà Âa czemà  poszukiwanem, szedà  jeden z drugiem, nat takiem stawem, pod goà Âem niebem. The feminine accusative-instrumental singular can be realized as -um or -u (more often in the accusative): Tatuà  z mojum siostrum sztarszum, pot tum letnium kuchnium; w kazdu jednu chaà Âupe; pot podà Âogu. The enclitic pronominal form mi can harden: dawoà  my cukierki. The pronominal form mnie can rarely be realized as me: zamknij me gdzie. The comparative and superlative ending of adverbs -ej raises to -y, -i: nià ¼y, dali, lepi. The adverbs teraz, zaraz, dzisiaj can be realized as tera, zaro, dzisia. The dative form of the reflexive verb is most often realized as se. In adjectives and pronouns, the masculine/neuter genitive singular may formed with -igo (after soft consonants)/-ygo (after hard consonants), eotherwise -ego. The masculine/neuter instrumental/locative singular is typically -am, and the dative plural is -am as well. The dual of pronouns is retained here relatively well: do naju (do nas), do waju (do was), numa (nam).
The passive adjectival participle is generally -uny due to sound changes: gnieciune. The masculine past tense of -iÃÂ, -yàverbs can change to -u- due to sound changes: chodziuà Âem, przeà ¼uà Âem (przeà ¼yà Âem) but feminine robià Âa, kupià Âa. The third person plural present tense ending can be realized as -u or less often -um: godaju, jadu; majum, mówiom. The third person singular present tense of byàmay be realized as je. The infinitive of -eàverbs is usually -yÃÂ/-iÃÂ: leciÃÂ. The archaic dual ending -wa can be seen as a first person plural ending: bedziewa zyc; pojedziewa; pojechalià ºwa; zà Âapalyà ºwa. The second person plural may be formed with either -cie or -ta (from the old dual ending): polotalià Âta, jakà Âta brali, zebyà Âta se pojedli, pamjentojta, but exclusively -cie is used for forms of respect: Wy, Jóà Âkowo, jak chlep upjeczecie. Verbs ending in -àÃÂ, -nààbuild the past tense with -n-: wzion, wzienam; cion, cieno sie; najon, najeni, przyjun, wyzeno sie âÂÂwyà ¼ÃÂà Âo siÃÂâÂÂ; zacena, zaceni; zdjun. The imperative may be -oj instead of -aj due to sound changes. The verb jeà Âàhas an exceptional declension: jjem, jjys, jjy, jjamy, jjyta. The personal past clitics -em/-am tend to be homophonous here due to fronting: ja widziaà Âem/widziaà Âam. The past tense may also be built without clitics: jo buà  (byà Âem). The present tense first person plural can be built with either -amy (where the a can front) (from Lesser Polish) or -em/-im (from Masovian).
Common is the extension of the prepositions/prefixes w(-), z(-) (and other prefixes) with mobile e to we(-), ze(-): we dwóch miejscach, we sà Âume, we wieà Â, ze lnu, ze szeà ÂÃÂ, ze siedem, ze roboty; rozezà Âoà Âcià Âa sie, odeszed, weszed, zegrane - this happens most often due to dissimilation to prevent sounds from merging during articulation or for ease of pronunciation, when a word begins with a consonant cluster. Prepositional phrases can differ: po zaokniu (za oknami), po zastodolu (za stodoà Âami), na zapiecu (za piecem), na poà Âcianiu (pod à Âcianami), s ty nadwisà Ây (znad Wisà Ây).
Noun formation tendencies are more typical for a Lesser Polish dialect, with some influence from Masovian.
Common in this dialect is the formation of surnames for wives, sons, and daughters from the surnames for husbands or fathers. Surnames for wives can be formed with -owo (sometimes realized as -owa): Paluszkowo (< Paluszek), or -kowo from diminutive -ek forms: Adamkowo (< Adamek, diminutive of Adam) - these forms are also added after the husband's surname where they function to specify the person in the conditions of a rural community where many surnames are repeated: Nizià Âsko Heà Âkowo. Nizià Âsko Heà Âkowo; another ending for wives' surnames is -ina/-yna Giemzina (< Giemza), Miozdzyno (< Miazga), and -ka: Bajórka (< Bajór). Surnames for daughters can be formed with -unka (< -anka): Jaszczempcunka (< JastrzÃÂbska), -ówna: Kulikówna (< Kulik), and -icha/-ycha (also used for wives): Oguà Âcycha (< Ogonek); the genitive of the father's surname can also be used: Maryà Âka Kieszkoskiego. Surnames for sons are created with -ok (< -ak): Chroà Âciok (< Chrost); in the plural this ending can also be used for collectives: Kutyloki (< Kutyà Âa). A surname for a son can also be built from the given name with the genitive form of the surname in the plural: Stacho Aà Âdasiów. The ending -owy can be used for sons and -owa for daughters: Heniek Krupowy, Adamowa Monika; in the plural it is used for collectives: Starzykowe (< Starzyk). Surnames from surnames for mothers can rarely be formed with -in/-yn (masculine) or -ina/-yna (feminine): Tomek Halyncyn (< Halina), Teresa Jaà Âcyna (< Jaà Âka).
Diminutives occur more frequently here, often expressive, and are not always used for endearing purposes, and double diminutives occur more frequently: balijka, chaà Âupka, kartofelki, koà Âcióà Âek, parafijka, powróseà Âko, rentka, sianko, sà Âomka, zieà Âciosek (ziÃÂÃÂ), kszeseà Âecko. Similarly, augmentatives occur more frequently and do not always have a negative connotation: chà Âopacysko, dziewucha, dziewusysko, pannica, weà Ânisko.
Words for young animals and people are more commonly formed with -ok||-ak than -ÃÂ: cielok, dzieciok, prosiak, à ºrebok; this suffix is also used for demonyms: ursyniak, names of dishes: marchwiak (carrot cake), or other nouns: chojak, pomywak, wozak. Other common noun-forming suffixes include -ina/-yna (often giving words a shade of pity, and sometimes contempt or disregard): bidzina, chà Âopacyna; -ka for actions or tools: kijanka, lepka and the extended -aczka: bujaczka.
Words for family members sometimes end in -o: stryjo, teà Âcio, dziadzio.
Adjectives and adverbs diminutize more frequently: bielutki, calusieà Âki; malutko, raniutko, wunziutko. The adverb naokoà Âo is formed as naobkoà Âo. Adverbs are often strengthened with -k: jeszczek, którendyk, musik, pÃ³à º- nik, skundà Âcik, tendyk, wprzódyk; similarly, some words are extended with -oj: nicegoj, nikogój, takoj, tamoj. Common adjective endings include -ny, -asty, and -aty: talentny (utalentowany), amatorny (majàcy wielu amatorów), minny (robiàcy miny), wóz drabniasty, zàb korzeniasty, nieà ¼eniato, mÃÂà ¼ato. The possessive adjectival endings -in/-yn and -owy occur: Krysine chà Âopoki, matcyna rodzina, mamusina matka, po mamusiny à Âmierci, cypkowe piniendze, furman wsiowy. Multiplicative denumeral adjectives are formed with -isty: troisty.
The prefix ob- is often used, especially instead of o- as it is felt as more distinct: obganiaÃÂ, obleniÃÂ siÃÂ; deverbal obstoje (postoje). The distribution of verbal prefixes may differ. Both -ywaÃÂ and -owaÃÂ for frequentatives are present here, where -ywaÃÂ is more common in the north. Sometimes -aÃÂ is used instead of either.
Masculine personal is generally leveled to masculine animal: Poszà Ây te chà Âopy tych kartofly ôdkopywaÃÂ; the masculine animal plural is sometimes used as a form of respect: Dziadek nieras jag zakasà Âaà Ây; conversely, groups of women might use masculine personal forms: Kobjety mjeli roboty, na drutach robili swetry, przendli ze lnu.
The plural in general is often used as a form of respect: tatuà  nanosili dà ¼rzewa, mama tych kartofly ugotowali, dziadek weszà Ây do pjeca, sà Âuchojcie, Adamku. Another expression of respect is the avoidance of personal verb forms and the use of the infinitive: Stryju, pograàno, poà ÂpiwaÃÂ, na tem lystku cy na grzebyku. All of these methods are commonly used, including younger people.
Verb clitics are more mobile than in standard Polish: Jusà Âmy nie uciekali daleko, tylko w lasà Âmy uciekali, and clitics can also occur as the first part of a sentence: wie braà Âo i sie wychodzià Âo za mÃ à ¼; à Âmy siàwprowadzili. The possessive genitive occurs before the noun more often than in standard Polish: moja siostra czyli mamy córka.
The prepositions bez and przez are often confused: juà ¼ nie pszeczytum przez à Âokularóf; bez wakacje toà Âmy zrobili drugu klase.