Kildin Sámi, also spelt as Kildin Saami is a Sámi language spoken on the Kola Peninsula of northwestern Russia by the Kildin Sámi, who have historically inhabited the peninsula.
The Sámi languages closest to Kildin are Ter Sámi and Akkala Sámi, in Soviet tradition sometimes considered to be dialects of Kildin Sámi. From a strictly geographical point of view, only Kildin and Ter, spoken on the Peninsula, could be regarded as Kola Sámi. It is the largest of the Eastern Sámi languages by number of speakers. However, unlike its close relatives Skolt Sámi or Inari Sámi Kildin is today only used actively by very few people.
Originally, Kildin Sámi was spoken in clustered areas of the mainland and coastal parts of the Kola Peninsula. Nowadays, Kildin Sámi speakers can be found in rural and urban areas, including the administrative center of the oblast. The area of Lovozero has the highest concentration of speakers. Other Kildin Sámi speakers are scattered throughout the villages and small towns of the Peninsula: Revda, Kola, Loparskaya, Teriberka, but can also be found in larger more sizable towns of Murmansk Oblast such as Olenegorsk and Apatity. Lovozero is known as the main place where the language is still spoken by 700âÂÂ800 ethnic Sámi amongst a total village population of approximately 3,000. However, today the Saami are but a minority in Lovozero: the large majority of the population consists of Russians and Izhma Komi. The language has only about 100 active and perhaps 600 passive speakers. As a result of relocation, migration, and forced movement of the group, the community has really fragmented and become divided over other areas in Murmansk Region, thus leading to an inability for the revival and sustenance of their language, traditions, customs, and beliefs.
The Kildin Sámi (Kola Sámi) first came into contact and had more subsequent meetings with the Russians in the 12th century, when Pomor traders from the Republic of Novgorod landed on the southern shores of the Kola Peninsula. The Russians themselves inhabited and set up shelters in the Kola and the Ter Coast as it was known then during the 13thâÂÂ14th centuries. During the 15th and 16th centuries, Russians started heavily occupying and building their own communities in northern Karelia and increased exposure between the Kildin Sámi and Russians naturally blossomed as a result. In the 19th century, Kola Sámi were organized and advocated for themselves through "tight-knit familial communities" where they worked in pastures, lived by fishing, and survived through hunting all in a concrete set around defined territory with extended family. During this time, the community shared in spiritual customs and held similar ideologies on their language and community.
In the Russian Empire, the Kildin Sámi had no authority, rights or privileges, or liberties of autonomy and independence to control their affairs and to educate and teach their language through schools. After the 1917 Revolution which overthrew the tsarist regime of Nicholas II and led to the rise of the Bolsheviks, party systems, and emphasis towards a village-centered, peasant-centered, society, the Soviet state implemented laws or statutes that encouraged the development and protection of Sámi language and Sámi culture.
During the 1930s, with an orientation toward Russian nationalism ("Russification") and Russian identity that came about more dramatically with Joseph Stalin's rise to power and his oppressive tactics, Kola Sámi languages and culture came under intense pressure. His oppressive agricultural, economic, and cultural policies also led to the arrest of those who resisted collectivization, including many who lived in the Kola tundras. As Russia entered World War II, Kildin Sámi youth were drafted to serve in the Red Army, which lessened hardships and prejudices they faced for a temporary period. Although the repression ended after the death of Stalin in 1953, Russification policies continued and the work with the Sámi languages started again only in the beginning of the 1980s when new teaching materials and dictionaries were published.
As social and cultural emphasis has been put on the writing and speaking of the various languages that constitute Russia, Kildin Sámi has now become a critically endangered language. Russian is prominently spoken in Kildin Sámi communities so much so that the original language is hardly ever heard of or only spoken privately amongst those who still know how to do so within an insular community. The few Kildin Sámi who speak and understand their language proficiently can also speak various dialectical tongues that constitute ethnic Russia. Because the language has eroded so rapidly over the centuries, it is more widely spoken amongst or between older elders who were taught and educated between themselves and thus retained the spoken language and hardly spoken by children. In Lovozero, Kildin Sámi was taught as an elective subject for first through fourth graders ; however, beginning in the 2014âÂÂ15 school year, Kildin Sámi language instruction was folded into a broader class on Sámi history, culture, and folklore. The reasons for the loss and decline in speakership is as follows: a lack of education, dispersion of the Sámi, no generational transmission of traditional Sámi trades and ways of life, and not ever needing to speak or not regularly speaking the language have both caused speakership to take a hit over the years. Kildin Sámi is written using an official Cyrillic script.
Below is one analysis of the consonants in Kildin Sámi as given by The Oxford Guide to the Uralic Languages:
The Oxford Guide to the Uralic Languages gives the following inventory of monophthongs:
Rimma Kuruch's dictionary presents a slightly different set of monophthongs:
Kildin Sámi has been written in an extended version of Cyrillic since the 1980s. The alphabet has three variants with some minor differences among certain letters, mostly in àvs. àand ü (apostrophe) vs. ú. The Sammallahti/Khvorostukhina dictionary (1991) uses àand ü (apostrophe); Antonova et al. (1985) uses àand ú; a third orthographic variant, used by Kert (1986), has neither of these letters.
Note that the letters ÃÂ, ÃÂ/ÃÂ, ú/ü (apostrophe), à, ÃÂ, ÃÂ, ÃÂ, ÃÂ, ê, ì, àand ì do not occur in the word-initial position, either because the letters mark features of preceding consonants or the sounds they represent do not occur word initially. Therefore these letters do not normally occur in uppercase, except for all caps text.
The letter é occurs only in Russian loanwords.
The orthographic principles are more or less similar to Russian, but note the following special features.
Similar to Russian, palatalization of a consonant in Kildin Sámi is marked by the letter ì or one of the vowel letters ÃÂ, ÃÂ, ÃÂ, î, and ï following the consonant. Palatalized ÃÂ, â, ÃÂ, however, are marked by àor one of the vowel letters àand ì. The consonant letter àbefore ì or one of the vowel letters ÃÂ, ÃÂ, ÃÂ, î, and ï does not represent palatalization but the palatal nasal .
Long vowels are marked with a macron over the vowel letter (and above the diaeresis in the cases of ÃÂ).
The letter ú occurs before the letters ÃÂ, â, ÃÂ, æ and ç, and marks (historical) preaspiration. The actual pronunciation varies between true preaspiration and the fricative sounds and .
Voiceless sonorants are represented by the letters ÃÂ/ÃÂ, ÃÂ , ÃÂ, ÃÂ, and ÃÂ.
The velar nasal is written as ÃÂ.
Kildin Sámi exhibits a few morphophonological processes that are widespread throughout declension and conjugation paradigms. The first is consonant gradation, which is a phenomenon of alternations based on consonant length. This can be illustrated through some of the nonpast forms of the verb ÃÂÃÂñÿà'to dig'. The verb features the geminate consonant ñÿ, which becomes weakened/shortened (quantitative gradation) to ñ in the first-person singular form ÃÂÃÂñð '[I] dig', but which is retained in the third-person singular form ÃÂÃÂñÿ '[(S)he/it digs.' A more complete paradigm is below:
Consonant gradation can also be qualitative, meaning that there is a consonantal alternation based on a feature like voicing for instance, as is the case with the verb ÃÂïÃÂÃÂà'to illuminate'. The nonpast first-person singular form ÃÂï÷ð '[I] illuminate' comprises the alternation ÃÂà-> ÷, where not only is there a shortening of the geminate consonant but also a change from unvoiced to voiced.
Another morphophonological process is apophony, which manifests through a wide array of vowel alternations. In the word ÃÂààúðýúÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂÃÂò 'windowsill', the vowel cluster ÃÂàbecomes àin certain declensions and ÃÂð in others:
Nouns in Kildin Sámi decline across 9 cases and two numbers, with the essive and partitive cases exceptionally not having distinct forms for number. Below is the declension paradigm for the word üïÃÂà'tree.' Nouns fall under several different declension classes.
Source:
In Kildin Sámi, there is a series of suffixes that serve to encode relationships of possession. The suffixes can simultaneously carry information about the possessor (person and number) and the number of possessees (1 or 2+). The suffixes further decline. Possessive suffixes are no longer productive and are mainly preserved in kinship terms such as ÃÂÃÂýýð(ü) 'my mother'.
Personal pronouns decline as other nouns do and encode number (singular or plural). Third-person pronouns do not make any grammatical gender distinctions.
Kildin Sámi has dedicated reflexive and reciprocal pronouns. Like personal pronouns, these too decline for case and number. The reflexive pronoun is ãôöà(<small>NOM</small>.<small>SG</small>) and the reciprocal pronoun is úðÃÂýýÃÂà(<small>NOM</small>.<small>SG</small>). The reciprocal pronoun is also used as a common noun meaning 'friend'. Below are example usages of each:
In Kildin Sámi negation is formed by a syntagma, which consists of a finite negative auxiliary and a finite main verb in a special form called connegative (negative form of the main verb). The negative auxiliary gets inflected by person, number and mood, while the main verb is marked for tense. In the past tense, the past participle is used as the connegative verb form.
This is the inflectional paradigm of the negative auxiliary:
Negative clause in present tense:
Negative clause in past tense:
With the negation of the verb ûãùõ "to be" in the third person it comes to an amalgamation of the main verb and the negative auxiliary:
In the third person plural of the past tense there is no amalgamation of the negative auxiliary and the main verb "to be":
Negative indefinite pronouns are formed with the negative prefix ýø-. It is the only prefix in Kildin Sámi and is borrowed from the Russian language. The prefix ýø- can get used with all interrogative pronouns, such as in ýøúõà'nobody' and ýøüã 'nothing'. See the following example depicting the latter:
The word tundra has been borrowed to English, via Russian. In Kildin Sámi, (') means "treeless plain", but its genitive case is (').
The printed item in Kildin were chapters 1-22 of the Gospel of Matthew published in 1897. It was translated with the help of native speaker consultants, in Cyrillic orthography by the Finnish linguist Arvid Genetz, and printed at the expense of the British and Foreign Bible Society. (The rest of the Gospel was in Akkala Sámi language.)