Huaca de la Luna ("Temple or Shrine of the Moon") is a large adobe brick structure built mainly by the Moche people of northern Peru. It sits roughly 5 kilometers from the Pacific Ocean, 4 km from the modern city of Trujillo, and near the mouth of the Moche River. The site was inhabited between the 1st and 9th century AD. Along with Huaca del Sol, Huaca de la Luna is part of Huacas de Moche. The Huacas are major components of the ancient Moche capital city of Cerro Blanco.
The Huaca de la Luna, although it is the smaller of the two huacas at the site, has yielded the most archaeological information. Although Huaca del Sol was partially destroyed and looted by Spanish conquistadors in the seventeenth century, Huaca de la Luna was left relatively untouched. Archeologists believe that the Huaca del Sol may have served for administrative, military, and residential functions, as well as a burial mound for the Moche elite. Huaca de la Luna served primarily a ceremonial and religious function, although it contains burials as well.
The Huaca de la Luna is a large complex of three main platforms, each one serving a different function. The northernmost platform, at one time brightly decorated with a variety of murals and reliefs, was destroyed by looters. The surviving central and southeastern platforms have been the focus of most excavations. Platform I has yielded multiple high-status burials. Evidence of human sacrifices have also been found extensively at Huaca de la Luna.
The site is composed of three pyramids and several plazas. The largest is Platform I, with a height of 30 meters. Excavation has revealed that a new platform was constructed over an old one every 100 years for six centuries. Due north of Platform I is Plaza 1. It is a large, low, open space, and was likely used to hold large crowds during significant events. East of Plaza 1 and northeast of Platform I is Plaza 2. It is smaller and higher than Plaza 1, but overlooks the same space; this is indicative of some form of social stratification. Directly east of Platform I are Plazas 3A, 3B, and 3C. They are interconnected and the closest in elevation to Platform I of any of the plazas. Human sacrifices were practiced in Plazas 3A/B/C. East of Plaza 3A is the much smaller Platform II. North of Platform II, sits Platform III. It is unknown what function these portions of the site served.
Huaca de la Luna, was construced from adobe bricks. Adjacent adobes are similar in size, and all are wider than they are tall. Many of the adobes have one of 128 distinct markings, identifying which of the surrounding communities produced each brick. Adorning interior walls of the site are 10,000 square meters of polychromatic murals. The polychromatic paints and pigments used by the Moche are derived from minerals such as hematite (red) and clay (white), and organic sources. Depictions of the Moche deity Ai-Apaec, also known as Ayapec, are common. Ayapec is a Muchik word translating as all knowing.
The eastern platform, black rock, and adjacent patios were the sites of human sacrifice rituals. Human sacrifice rituals were likely more complex than previously thought, and likely were done for two main fertility rituals: agrarian (crop prosperity and natural disasters, and social (wartime) motivated sacrifices. These are depicted in a variety of Moche graphic representations, most notably painted ceramics. The sacrifices differed in practice in accordance with their given purposes. Wartime sacrifices were often lower class, or captured prisoners of war. Researchers discovered multiple skeletons of adult males at the foot of the rock, all of whom show signs of trauma and imprisonment. Many had bone fractures, further indicating trauma during wartime, but the fatal injury was most often a severe blow to the head. After the sacrifice, bodies of victims would be hurled over the side of the Huaca and left exposed in the patios. There is current debate on how these victims were obtained--whether through staged war games, actual combat between communities, or both. The reason for this is that while there is bioarchaeological evidence of warfare between multiple communities, and along with this, the lack of respect given to the bodied found (there was evidence that the bodies were not buried after death) could possibly indicate that they were fighters from other communities. On the other hand, Moche sacrificial artwork and murals do not depict wartime victories over other groups, the soldiers fighting in the murals look relatively similar to each other.
El Niño is characterized by long periods of flooding, followed by long periods of drought. This natural disaster greatly impacts Peruvian agriculture and life. Huaca de la Luna was greatly affected by these periods. Archaeological evidence shows certain sacrifices that line up with specific El Niño periods. The dirt composition around the sacrifices could indicate that the bodies were buried in particularly muddy conditions, and may have been damaged/ shifted by floodwater. àThese sacrificial rituals were done differently than the wartime mediated ones, with the cause of death most often being a clean cut to the neck, and the de-fleshing and presentation of the sacrifice. There is also evidence of the sacrifice of children, possibly acting as offerings following the completion of a temple. While many of the sacrifices line up with El Niño, there is no conclusive evidence that the ritual killings were done for El Niño-- that is to say that we cannot assume causation over correlation.
Archaeological excavation began at the site in the 1990s following aerial photographic surveys of the site in the late 1980s. Wind had covered the site in sand, so the structure and interior of the pyramids are well preserved.
The World Monuments Fund has been working at Huaca de la Luna to support needed conservation work. This includes ongoing assessments, documentation, stabilization, and consolidation of excavated architectural and decorative elements. Similarly, the Huaca del Sol y de la Luna project, has helped grow the Peruvian economy by creating jobs while also acting as a training ground for up and coming archaeologists and conservationists.