Bhakt (à ¤Âà ¤Âà ¥Âà ¤¤) in the modern Indian political context is a pejorative term often referring to ardent supporters of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi or the BJP, particularly those who resort to deification and therefore sometimes uncritical in their support. While not all Modi supporters are bhakts in this sense, the term has come to describe a specific mindset or behavioral pattern that favours either a theocratic or demagogic form of rule and therefore unwilling or unable to engage in rational discourse. The term is generally used in a derogatory manner when referring to BJP or other right-wing populist supporters.
In 2014, journalist Rajdeep Sardesai used the term in his post, "Super speech by Modi; not so super behaviour by some bhakts. Guess some things won't change" hours after he was heckled at New York's Madison Square Garden by supporters after criticizing Modi. In a 2015 interview, Sardesai commented about that "You cannot be an objective observer any more; either you are a bhakt or you are a permanent critic".
Supporters often use the term bhakt proudly to show devotion, loyalty and admiration for Modi's leadership, policies, Hindu values and vision for India.
However, the term has been widely applied by writers, critics, journalists and opponents to refer to Modi's devoted supporters, primarily when responding sarcastically or pejoratively to a wide range of Modi's statements and actions.
Nisha Mathew in her article Bhakt nation: The return of the Hindu diaspora in Modi's India describes this alternate and contradictory usage. "Used by critics, civil society groups, and dissenting popular cultural voices, 'Modi-bhakt' has evoked proactive rather than defensive responses from those that see themselves as fitting the description. Identifying as true patriots or 'desh bhakts' they have willingly embraced this evocative term coined by those they denounce as anti-national or enemies of the nation and nominated themselves as privileged individuals called to Modi's divine mission."
The word has become a convenient slur to stereotype Modi supporters who will frequently sidestep factual information and refuse to engage in meaningful debate. Opposition members such as Mahua Moitra frequenty take jibes at the "Bhakt and troll army" of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in political discourse.
Prominent author, activist and journalist Aakar Patel argues that the irrational nature of a bhakt's arguments are detrimental primarily because it is faith-based: "Devotion is not a product of the intellect but that of passion. It is religious, and like in religion the bhakt here is also not concerned with the material world, and what happens in reality."
Historian Ramachandra Guha has stated that bhakts essentially oppose the very concept of democracy and yet fail to recognise this hypocrisy: "Hero-worship is not uncommon in India. Indeed, we tend to excessively venerate high achievers in many fields. Millions of devotees on social media (as well as quite a few journalists) have succumbed to the most extreme form of hero-worship. More worryingly, one senior cabinet minister has called Narendra Modi a Messiah. A chief minister has insinuated that anyone who criticises the Prime Minister's policies is anti-national."
Guha agrees that "at a nation-wide level the cult of Narendra Modi has had only one predecessor â that of Indira Gandhi".
To his bhakts, celebrating Modi as divine incarnation also entailed battering the public image of those running against him in elections or questioning his policies.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is often criticised for creating a personality cult around him. Many of the leaders and supporters of Modi's political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) often praised him and contributed to building a god-like persona. Shivraj Singh Chouhan, the chief minister of Madhya Pradesh, said in 2022, "He is superhuman and has traces of god in him." A Maharashtra BJP spokesperson described Prime Minister Narendra Modi as the "11th incarnation" of Lord Vishnu, prompting ridicule by the opposition. Modi's guru-like demeanour became apparent very early to a lot of his supporters. "Importantly, the picturesque imagery of Modi visiting a number of Hindu religious sights further bolsters his saintly demeanor besides brandishing his deep-rooted Hindu credentials."
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has himself often engaged in self-deification and played to the apotheosis narrative in 2024 when he remarked that "Until my mother was alive, I had believed that perhaps my birth was a biological one, But after her death, when I look at my life experiences, I'm convinced that God has sent me here."
Multiple factors collectively contribute to the mindset observed among bhakts, reflecting a complex interplay of cultural, political, and psychological elements.
While religion is now an integral part of Indian politics, India's Constitution has since independence in 1947 remained mostly secular in principle.
Shashi Tharoor refers to Ambedkar's second warning to speak on Narendra Modi. "Ambedkar warned against "bhakti" or worship in politics, but we have a personality cult around the prime minister, encouraged by the ruling party, which makes him a larger-than-life figure. We admittedly had a similar deification around Indira Gandhi 50 years ago. And this is not what Ambedkar would have wanted."