The Ajam of Bahrain (), or Iranian Bahrainis (), are an ethnic group of Bahraini citizens of Iranian descent.
Most families of this group are of Shia background, although there are also a number of Sunni families of Achomi and Baluchi ancestry. Many Ajam are bilingual and speak both Arabic and Persian.
The Ajam are found in significant numbers in both Manama and Muharraq.
The terms "Ajam", "Persian", and "Iranian" remain subjects of debate:
The Ajams or Iranians of Bahrain are the descendants of Iranians who immigrated to Bahrain as early as the 6th century BCE; the term, however, generally refers to those who arrived between the 19th & 20th centuries (1801âÂÂ2000 CE) from the southern provinces of Iran, including Fars province, Bushehr province, Hormozgan province, Bandar Abbas, Bander Langeh, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad province, Khoramshahr, Sistan and Baluchistan, and Lorestan.
The Ajam possess many different ethnic backgrounds reflecting the diverse peoples of their parent country, including (but not limited to):
Iranian/contemporary Iran's (western Iranic) peoples:
Other Iranic people:
Other ethnic groups from Iran that may be/have been classified as part of the broader "Ajam Community":
Other groups with Iranian migration history:
According to paternal haplogroup predictions of 2020:
The majority of Bahrainis are on the J2 Haplogroup, which corresponds to Caucasian, Anatolian, or Western Iranian (32000 ybp) origins, encompassing 27.6% of the sample, followed by:
The Northern and Capital Governorates, where the Baharna and Ajam are most located, show higher frequencies of haplogroup J2 (34% and 31%) than in Muharraq and the Southern Governorate (both 17%), J1 is most frequent in the Southern Governorate (27%) where the highest proportion of Arabs live, as well as in the Muharraq Governorate (27%) where many migrant Huwala Arabs resettled. It declines to its lowest frequency in the Northern and Capital Governorates (21% and 19%).
Iranian migration to Bahrain can be traced back as early as the Sassanid and Achaemenid Persian Empire, though there has been a more constant level of migration in recent centuries, primarily that of Persian Shi'ites.
From the 6th century BCE to the 3rd century BCE, Bahrain was an integral part of the Persian Empire during the Achaemenid dynasty. The Greeks referred to it as "Tylos," a hub for pearl trading, a name that emerged after Nearchus discovered the island while serving under Alexander the Great. From the 3rd century BCE to the 7th century CE, when it came under the influence of Islam, the island was controlled by two Iranian dynasties, the Parthians and the Sassanids. In the 3rd century CE, the Sassanids succeeded the Parthians and controlled the area for four centuries until the Arab conquest. The contemporary Island of Bahrain was referred to as Mishmahig, which in Middle-Persian/Pahlavi it means "ewe-fish".
Historians say that Bahrain was inhabited by partially-Christianized Arabs, Aramaic-speaking agriculturalists, Persian Zoroastrians, and a small amount of Jews. Robert Bertram Serjeant, believes that the Baharna () may be the last of the "descendants of converts from the original population of Christians (Aramaeans), Jews and ancient Zoroastrian Persians (Referred to as "Majus" by Early Muslim Arabs) inhabiting the island and cultivated coastal provinces of Eastern Arabia at the time of the Arab conquest." Islamic narrations claim that Bahrain was predominantly a Zoroastrian country before the Arab conquest, and that Mohammed took the Jizya from them.
The Bahraini population is said to have spoken Syriac and Persian (likely Parthian and Middle "Pahlavi" Persian) at the time. Bahrain's old population is said to have also had a Persian clergy (Zoroastrians) who used Syriac as a language of liturgy and writing more generally.
These sentiments are supported by archaeology as archaeologists uncovered Parthian (247 BCE â 224 CE) artefacts in Shakhura, and remains of a Christian church in Samaheej, dating back to the mid-4th and mid-8th centuries.
It is claimed that Persians settled in Hormuz and Bahrain during the conflict between the Portuguese and the Persian Empire over control of Bahrain (1507 to 1625).
It is claimed that after the decline of the Safavid Empire (1501âÂÂ1736), which was nearly destroyed by Pashtun armies, Persian Sunnis played a significant role in setting up Sunni governance in Bahrain. Persian Sunni (Achomi/Ajam) communities in Bahrain, alongside the Howala Arab tribes, took control of the island, establishing a Sunni-dominated rule.
The Qajar dynasty began ruling Iran in 1789, founded by Mohammad Khan () of the Qoyunlu clan of the Turkoman Qajar tribe.
Waves of famine, cholera and smallpox outbreaks as well as increased crime rates accompanying drought led to a large-scale migration to Bahrain around 1850.
It was around this time that Sheikh Muhammad bin Khalifah Al Khalifa asked for Iranian protection against Wahabbis in 1851 and declared his preparedness to be a Qajar Iran protectorate. However, the British forced him to become their protectorate.
The period between 1860 and 1910 is considered the "first generation" migration by some. It includes places like Bushehr, Bandar Abbas, Bandar Langeh Mohammerah (Khorramshahr), and Lorestan.
In 1860, the Bushehri family migrated to Bahrain.
During the early 20th century, the Iranian central government imposed new import and export taxes, The introduction of taxes was an effort to reinforce the authority of the Iranian state and draw revenue from affluent peripheral areas like Bandar Lingeh and Bushehr, which were key economic hubs in the Persian Gulf during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Migrants, familiar with the region, circumvented these restrictions by choosing alternative routes. To escape the heavy taxation, many merchants simply relocated to the other side, a practice that had been common for centuries due to the familiarity of the region, prompting the migration of tens of thousands of people from southern Iran to the opposite shores. Bahrain became a primary destination for these migrants, leading to a significant increase in its Iranian population. This period also saw heightened British involvement in the region.
In 1904, anti-Persian rioting broke out in the markets of Manama, marking the first recorded instance of local resistance against migrants in Bahrain. The British labeled the incident as âÂÂanti-Persian" and subsequently took control over the affairs of Iranian migrants in Bahrain. In response, the Iranian central government requested British assistance to ensure justice for its citizens in Bahrain. According to Lindsey Stephenson, speaker for the Ajam Media Collective, this request was a temporary measure rather than an attempt to permanently cede jurisdiction, reflecting the historically fluid and overlapping borders in the Persian Gulf region.
According to Dr. Ali Akbar Bushehri, in the year 1905, the Ajam of Bahrain were estimated to be around 1650.
By 1909, the British who were treating Iranians as foreigners in need of British protection, had convinced the Sheikh of Bahrain (Isa bin Ali Al Khalifa) to oversee the Iranian migrants after spending five years trying to convince him they were foreigners, even though the Iranians (of Bahrain) themselves had not sought such protection. This shift marked the introduction of new territorialized identities in the Persian Gulf, replacing earlier conceptions of belonging that were based on familial ties rather than geographic origin. The British court system reinforced this "spatial awareness", bringing a legal and official understanding of belonging that was increasingly tied to territorial boundaries. Despite the British designation of Iranians as foreigners, the Sheikh of Bahrain viewed them as part of his subjects, prioritizing their economic contributions over any concern about their origins.
In 1910, the local Iranian community funded and opened a private school, Al-Ittihad school (), that taught Persian, besides other subjects. It is considered one of the earliest, if not the first, schools to be opened in Bahrain. Between 1910 and 1919, in the absence of state-run schools on the islands, some Bahrainis attended Al-Ittihad, contributing to the development of modern education in the region. It had a secular approach influenced by the Pahlavi dynasty up until the 1979 Revolution.
During World War I (1914âÂÂ1918), some Kurds are said to have migrated from southeastern Turkey to Bahrain to avoid the violence and conflict.
Between 1919 and 1923, members of the Iranian community asked the government to require teaching Persian (Farsi) as part of the curriculum in all schools, but this was rejected.
The second wave of pre-revolutionary Iranian emigration to the Arab littoral built upon the first and was largely driven by Reza Shah's efforts to consolidate control over autonomous and restive provinces during the 1920s and 1930s. Following the overthrow of the Qajar dynasty, Reza Shah extended his authority over southern ports and nearby islands. In 1924, he subdued the Arab rulers of Khuzestan, an oil-rich region, and by 1928, his forces had taken control of Hengam Island, establishing a customs post that challenged the Dubai-aligned local leadership.
Reza Shah also sought to modernize and secularize the region, continuing measures initiated by the Qajars in the 1880s. These efforts included increased taxation, enforcing Western-style clothing, and banning traditional beardsâÂÂchanges that were met with resistance from many Iranians aiming to preserve their Muslim identity. Additionally, the Shah mandated the use of standardized Persian (Farsi) in schools, replacing Arabic, and sought to diminish the influence of what one source described as a distinctly Arab culture in areas like written deeds.
Economic difficulties and unpopular policies prompted many Iranians, including Baluch families, to emigrate, and seeking better opportunities abroad. Communities from Khorramshahr to Lengeh left Iran during this period, unable to maintain their traditional way of life and language. This migration laid the foundation for the growing Iranian diaspora in the Persian Gulf.
Between 1920 and 1940, before World War II, more families migrated from Bushehr to Bahrain to avoid the on-going conflict between Reza Shah and the English.
In the 1920s, nationalism was sweeping through the Ajam community in Bahrain, inspired by Reza Shah's rise to power in 1925 and his modernizing efforts, which promised to bring Iran closer to contemporary standards of living. By the late 1920s, the Iranian schools in Bahrain had intensified their nationalist activities to a controversial level. The Ajams of Bahrain began to fear that should pressure be put on Iran or another Persian Gulf nation, the effects would fall BahrainâÂÂs Iranians.
According to the Persian newspaper Shafagh-i Sorkh ("The Red Sunset"), on December 5, 1928, the principals of these schools were summoned by the consul, who conveyed that playing drums and fifes was prohibited by the Bahraini government, and the Persian flag was not to be displayed on certain occasions.
Most modern migration of Iranians to Bahrain started around the year 1928, according to the oldest document they had in 2009, but this doesn't mean they didn't exist before this period, recounts Dr. Ali Akbar Bushehri.
During the 1930s, some conservative Sunni families migrated from Iran to Bahrain due to the fear of Reza Shah's imposed "Kashf-e hijab" law and what these families perceived as an "extreme secularism against religion" comparable to "Atatürk."In 1931, the two Iranian schools in Bahrain merged into a single institution named Madrase-ye IttiḥÃÂd-e Mellë (also known as IttiḥÃÂdi-ye Iranian or IttiḥÃÂdiyeh), and continued to operate under this name until 1970. While the school's ownership was not officially transferred to the Iranian embassy until 1970, it had already adopted a strong Iranian nationalist identity by the late 1920s. By 1932, British sources described the Iranian school as a center of Iranian nationalism, with frequent parades where the Iranian flag was prominently flown and students were required to wear traditional Iranian hats. In 1941, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi became the Shah of Iran.
Between the 1950s and 1970s, Gulf Iranians sought citizenship in Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) due to economic and cultural factors. During this period, the economies of Bahrain and the UAE were experiencing rapid growth, driven by the oil boom and expanding trade networks. These developments offered better employment opportunities, access to education, and improved healthcare compared to Iran, where economic challenges and limited industrialization in some regions prompted migration. Citizenship in Bahrain and the UAE provided Gulf Iranians with access to emerging state benefits and business opportunities, fostering their integration into these wealthier Gulf states. The period 1950 to 1970 is classified as "third generation" migration.
During Bahrain's political strife in the 1950s, many Gulf Iranians began accepting Bahraini citizenship, as well as citizenship in the United Arab Emirates. Some segments of the community reportedly severed ties with their country of origin.
Between 1950s-1960s, Arab Nationalism was advocated by Gamal Abdel Naser, as means of fighting colonialism.
The increasing sense of Arab identity led to inter-sectarian Arab gatherings, driven by Hawala merchants whose education and experiences abroad had introduced them to the ideas of pan-Arabism and nationalism.
The mid-1950s uprising and the labour protests of the mid-1960s linked Bahrain's destiny to the rise of Arab nationalism, led by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. A significant achievement of the nationalist movement was the removal of Charles Belgrave, who had come to symbolize unwelcome Western colonial interference in the affairs of an Arab nation.
On 12 November 1957, Iran declared Bahrain a province, with two parliamentary seats dedicated to it (in the early 1900s, one parliamentary seat was reserved for Bahrain). A year later, in 1958, Sheikh Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa (ruler of Bahrain) pledged allegiance to Iran.
In the 1960s, the Shah turned his focus to southern Iran. He initiated road and port construction projects in the region to generate employment and established Persian language schools and hospitals both within Iran and in the Persian Gulf Arab States to strengthen ties between Iranian expatriates and their homeland. Additionally, the Shah significantly expanded Iran's military and weapons arsenal, emphasizing military service as a means of contributing to the state and demonstrating good citizenship.
Despite the significant Gulf Iranian population in Dubai, pro-Iran demonstrations did not materialize during the dispute between Iran and the UAE over Abu Musa and the Tunb islands. When Emirati Arabs protested and destroyed Iranian property following Iran's repossession of the islands, UAE President Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan compensated the affected Gulf Iranians, who remained largely apolitical.
The Persian population of Bahrain was being gradually Arabized under British Control, which made the Shah more or less dismiss it, due to its Arab identity.
At 12:50 p.m. on March 26, 1970, London Radio announced that both Britain and Iran had submitted a request to the Secretary-General of the United Nations to send a representative from the international organization to survey the opinion of the people of Bahrain as to whether they wish to remain under British Protectorate or to have Independence or be part of Iran. Musa Al-Ansari recounts that he voted on the promise for the country to be an independent democratic country that respects minorities.
By 1971, after Bahrain's independence, Gulf Iranians in Bahrain had become less overt in their nationalism. Across the Persian Gulf, Iranian communities generally aligned their political and national activities with the interests of the indigenous Arab populations.
After the Iranian Revolution, Gulf Iranians, including both Iranian-descended Bahrainis and expatriates, remained politically inactive, particularly during the Iran-Iraq War. This inaction, aimed at avoiding conflicts with Gulf governments, earned some enmity from Bahrain's Arab Shi'a community for perceived indifference to local grievances.
Dr. Bushehri recounts that the "Khomeini Revolution" created a rift between the Ajams of Bahrain; initially, the majority of Bahraini Iranians were opposed to the Revolution, but they began to support it over time. However, they then realised that the fall of the Shah did not improve conditions, but merely covered them up with revolutionary and religious slogans:
Throughout the Iran-Iraq War (1980âÂÂ1988), Gulf Iranians, especially in Dubai, played crucial roles in the region's economic life, regardless of their Shi'a background. Their focus on economic success rather than political activism became a recurring theme in observations of the community.
In 1993, the Persian "Isfahani Restaurant" was opened in Bahrain by two Persian brothers.
Between 1994 and 1999, the 1990s uprising in Bahrain took place in which leftists, liberals and Islamists joined forces to demand democratic reforms. Gulf Iranians refrained from addressing problems with the Bahraini government or engaging in inter-sectarian conflicts. Many were noted for their support of Gulf governments, countering claims that their loyalties might align strictly along sectarian lines.
After the Revolution in Iran, the Iranian School was renamed to "Islamic Republic School." At that time, the school was being funded and operated by the Iranian Ministry of Education. The 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran led to a shift in the school's ideological framework and curriculum. Prior to the Revolution, the school followed a secular approach influenced by the Pahlavi dynasty for nearly 70 years. For over seventy-five years, the school has provided education to multiple generations in Bahrain. In 1996, the "Iranian school" was shut down by the Bahraini government.
In 2002, Bahraini's King, Hamad Bin Isa, announced many of the Ajams of Bahrain as Bahraini citizens and granted them citizenships. He was gererally very welcoming of the Ajams, regardless of their background or ethnic group. In 2003, Khatami visited Bahrain which marked the first visit of an Iranian president to Bahrain since 25 years, Khatami gave a lecture in the Arabic language at the Gulf Hotel in Manameh. Bushehri recounts "The place was buzzing with Ajams, support, and prayers. Me and two of my friends were there. Everyone raises their voices in prayer except for us. For the first time, I felt that I had become a minority among a minority. Three people, a minority among 1,500.The Bahraini people became considerably more religious after the 1979 Revolution in Iran and the growth of the Wahhabi movement in Saudi Arabia, growth that was strengthened by oil exports. Musa Al-Ansari recounts: "I do not know why the revolution took this character in Bahrain. The fanaticism that exists in Bahrain does not exist in Iran. In Iran, you will see people listening to music and songs, women in half-veils laughing in the street. Here you are an infidel if you listen to a cassette or hear singing. Bahrain is a completely different situation." Al-Qassab wonders, "where did we get all this fanaticism from?" to which Al-Ansari responds "From Islamic extremism."
In the year 2009, the Iranians of Bahrain were estimated to be around 20% of the local population.
After Saudi diplomatic missions in Iran were ransacked by Iranian protesters following the execution of Nimr al-Nimr, Bahrain followed Saudi Arabia's decision by severing diplomatic relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran.
In 2024, Bahrain restored diplomatic relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The Ajams of Bahrain are now a largely secular, inclusive people.
Ajams/Persians/Iranians of Bahrain face discrimination and racism, and can have their loyalty questioned. Sectarian conflicts following the Islamic revolution of Iran, 2011 events, along with Islamic extremism, attributed to divisions among the Ajams of Bahrain.
While students in Iran study Formal Arabic, Bahrainis of Iranian origin or ancestry (whatever their background) cannot study Persian (Farsi), or any Iranian language, the suggestion was made between 1919-1923 and ignored. Citizenship laws in the Gulf Arab states currently mandate prolonged residency and a satisfactory proficiency in Arabic as prerequisites for applying for citizenship. This can indefinitely extend the stateless status of many Gulf Iranians, particularly those facing linguistic or other challenges. Furthermore, online content about the country's Persian minority is virtually absent, and media outlets are forbidden from using the Persian language or addressing Persian culture. This may explain why many families of Iranian descent chose not to teach their children their ethnic language as a first tongue.
One of the key reasons behind the Bahraini government's promotion of an "Arab identity" framework among its population is to mitigate its deep-rooted historical ties with Iran and its Persian community (Ajam), as well as the indigenous Arab Shi'a (Baharna). The intertwined history of Bahrain and Iran, along with their respective peoples, dates back to at least the 5th century BCE during the Achaemenid Empire. Over the centuries, both regions have vied for control of the Persian Gulf, with influence shifting back and forth since pre-Islamic times. Notably, during the Sassanian Empire, parts of the Arabian Peninsula and Iraq, now predominantly Arab-controlled, were once under Iranian rule. The Gulf Arab states have focused on cultural autonomy and preserving a distinctly Arabian and Islamic national identity, as evidenced by their national constitutions. Furthermore, the ruling families of the Persian Gulf have removed all traces of their transnational connections from their national narratives. In the Persian Gulf today, public discourse regarding the Persian, Indian, and African mothers of former shaykhs and shaykhas is heavily discouraged. Gulf nationals who cannot trace their ancestry to Arabian origins and tribal affiliations are typically excluded from high-ranking government positions, while those with no Arab lineage are often limited to the most junior roles. The notable exceptions to this trend seem to be Oman and, since 2000, Bahrain. Additionally, Shi'i Arabs face varying degrees of discrimination depending on the state. Consequently, a historian relying on the accounts of a Gulf Arab family is likely to encounter a curated history that serves contemporary interests.
Shias in Bahrain or people of a Shia background in general (including Bahranis, and Shia Ajams) face discrimination, and are often called "Majoos" (an Arab word invented for the minority Zoroastrians. They accuse them of "worshipping fireâ as well, because Zoroastrians worship the deity Ahuramazda at the Fire temple.). It is worth noting that the majority of Bahrain's Shia population are Bahrani people who are mostly (around 50%) eastern Arabs and (around 30%~) North West Asian (Iranian, Caucasian, and Mespotamian) according to their genes, and the two (Baharna and Ajams) can be often conflated by many. Those who view Shias as 'Iranian Majoosâ often feel they are subservient to the Islamic Republic of Iran. This perception has also been prevalent among some Sunni (Khodmooni) Iranians. While ithey were also known as "Ajam" in the past, The Sunni Ajams do not face such discrimination, and many of them now identify as "Hawala" or Arab, and/or reject the term "Ajam." It is also noted that this group introduced Nationalism during the heyday of Gamal Abdel Naser as a means of fighting colonialism.
Since 1980s through the mid 2000s, many "Bidoon" Iranians were deported back to Iran, many of whom were working for BAPCO, the island's oil company, which claimed to be opening up more jobs for the native Bahraini population.
Based on a study in 2013, the linguistic and religious situation of Sunni Persians in Bahrain is complex and can be intentionally confused between "Hole\Hawala Arabs" and "Sunni Persians.â They also claim that Sunni Achomis did not face any systematic racism. Some Sunni Achomis actively reject efforts to attribute Arab origins to their heritage.
In 2015, Al-Wasat columnist and journalist "Hani Al-Fardan" wrote an article in which he indirectly explained that many are changing family names for political or financial reasons: "[I]f one knew the original names and the names they changed to, they wouldn't be surprised."
In 2019, Dr. Abdullah Madani, writer of Al-Ayam newspaper and specialist in Asian affairs, describes in an article how a man of Bahraini of Persian origin once protested to him that he used his family name among the Ajams. Madani dedicated one of his articles to Iranian Ajam Bahrainis, especially Shiites. In his article "Kabir al-Ajam fe Al-Bahrain", he mentioned the name "Akbari" as one of the most famous Ajam families in Bahrain, as well as the names of many other families. Ismail Akbari (husband of writer Sosan Al-Shaer and father of Bahrain Consultative Council member Bassam Ismail Al-Bon Mohammad "Akbari") strongly protested, feeling the name "Ajam" refers only to Shias of Iranian origin, not Sunnis like his family, who are "Bastaki", not "Ajami".
In October 2024, the Arab Gulf States held their first joint meeting with the European Union in a considerable period. The meeting concluded with the EU affirming the position of the Persian Gulf countries that the islands of Abu Musa, Greater Tunb, and Lesser Tunb are sovereign territories of the United Arab Emirates. This development provoked a response from the Islamic Republic of Iran, in which Kamal Kharazi, head of Iran's Strategic Council on Foreign Relations claimed Bahrain's Iranian/Persian identity. In response, members of Bahrain's parliament rejected the claim, stating that Bahrain is historically Arab. and that Iran is merely trying to "export its internal crisis." This included statements from MP Members of Iranian ancestry, such as Mohammed Hassan Janahi, who reiterated that "all Bahrainis firmly stand with their country's Arab identity," and Mohamed Yousif Al-Maarafi who stated "Bahrain has been Arab since its founding." These statements reignited anti-Persian, anti-Iranian, and anti-Shia sentiments, with many resorting to the term "Majus" (àìÃÂó) as a derogatory slur on social media. The specific target of this insult remains unclear, as the term has historically been used against Shias (including the indigenous Baharna), Shia Arab Iraqis, Iranians, and even Bahrain's Ajam community.
The Ajam speak southern Iranian languages and Farsi dialects distinctive to the cities they have originated from:
Related languages:
Below is a comparison chart of English, Modern Standard Arabic, Bahraini Arabic, Achomi, Standard New Persian, Bahraini/Bushehri New Persian, and Iranian/Tehrani New Persian:
Sultaneez was a local Bahraini band that operated between 1989 and 2003. They are known for laying the foundation for "Bandari music" and have produced songs in Achomi (Bastaki dialect), Farsi, and Arabic. Their Bastaki song "Naz Akon Naz Akon," inspired by Yusuf Hadi Bastaki's folkloric song of the same name, is one of the most popular songs of this group. Kouros Shahmiri's song "Naz Nakon", which was released later (1998 CE), was inspired by Sultaneez's song "Naz Akon", which was released on June 25, 1990. Additionally, the song "Chai Chayi" by Koros was also inspired by the song of Soltaniz "Chayi Chayeem Kalam Dard Akon", which was released in 1989. Their legacy still lives on to this day, and many Bahraini Iranians listen to them to remember their roots.
Other Bahraini Persian bands include:
Other food items consumed are similar to other Iranian cuisine. For example, Kaleh Pacheh (, ) is very popular in Bahrain, in addition to Iranian Grills, Chello Kabab, and other National Iranian dishes.
The Iranian dances are common among many Iranian people (including Khodmoonis, Lurs, Kurds, etc.)... with variations in the style, the most common being the "Dastmal Bazi" variations, with the Kurdish dance and Baluchi dance being the most different.
Famous Iranian restaurants in Bahrain include "Isfahani" (named after Isfahan) and "Takht Jamshid" (named after a famous historical site in Persopolis).
Many of the previously mentioned families are of Persian origin based on historical records and the locations of their ancestral homelands. However, many choose to identify as Arabs to avoid discrimination or controversy. Ultimately, this often depends on the strength of their Persian cultural ties and the surrounding environment, which can lead to differing views within the same family about whether their heritage is Persian or Arab.
It is also common for these families to add "Al" (Arabic: çÃÂ), meaning "The," to their surnames to make them sound more Arabic. Some view this as abandoning or distancing themselves from their Persian roots, while others see it as a way to avoid racial issues. This shift is evident today, as many have adopted Arabic attire and now only speak fluent Arabic.
The Iranian languages have had the biggest foreign linguistic influence on Bahrani and Bahraini Arabic. The indigenous Bahrani dialect of Bahrain has also borrowed many words from Persian, for example:
Matam Al-Ajam Al-Kabeer (Arabic:àãêàçÃÂùìàçÃÂÃÂèÃÂñ) is the first Persian Matam and the largest such matam in Bahrain. It was founded in Fareej el-Makharqa by Abdul-Nabi Al-Kazerooni, a rich Persian merchant who was a representative of the Persian community in the council of the hakim Isa ibn Ali Al Khalifa. An immigrant from the Dashti region of Iran, he organised processions, collected donations, and hired orators () to speak at the matam. Construction started in 1882 as a specialized building where Ashura, a holy day in Shia Islam, would be marked with processions, ceremonial flagellation and passion plays commemorating the death of Imam Hussain. The matam is still used for this purpose.
It was originally built with simple construction material such as palm tree trunks and leaf stalks. The matam was formally established in 1904 where it was decided that the matam would be renovated with rocks, clay and cement. Initially in the 1890s, the matam was primarily supported by Persian merchants, with two-thirds of the donation coming from the Bushehri and Safar family, respectively. For much of the 20th century, the matam had relied on yearly donations of money and land from rich and poor members of the Persian community and from waqf revenue. The matam also had an emergency relief fund that was to be distributed to the poor and to needy individuals; the matam provided financial aid and shelter to people following the collapse of the pearling market in the 1930s.
Upon the death of Abdul-Nabi Al-Kazerooni in 1927, Abdul Nabi Bushehri, himself a Persian immigrant from Bushehr and a well-respected figure in the Persian community, took control of the matam. Unlike his close friend, Bushehri ran the matam with other notables of the Persian community, forming a de facto board. Upon Bushehri's death in 1945, the board took over. In order to prevent confusion, the board appointed a specific member, Hasan Baljik, to act as the key carrier to the matam and be responsible for programs and budgetary issues. In 1971, an administrative board consisting of a president, vice president, secretary, treasurer, and others was set up, all of whom were rich merchants.
In addition to this, many names of villages and districts in Bahrain are derived from Persian, Bahrain's historical ties to Persian culture, particularly under the Achaemenid, Parthian, and Sassanian Empire, as well as influencesf during the Safavid rule (1501âÂÂ1722), have left a significant impact on place names and cultural elements in the region. City and village names such as Manama, Karbabad, Salmabad, Karzakan, Samaheej, Tashan, Duraz, Barbar, Demistan, Karrana, Shakhura, Shahrekan, and Jurdab were originally derived from Persian, suggesting Persian influence on the island's history.