The election campaign for the 2023 Serbian parliamentary election lasted from 1 November to 17 December. The campaign saw the formation of the ProGlas initiative, as well as an increase of usage of the social media platform TikTok among politicians. Numerous debates also took place, mostly organised by the Radio Television of Serbia. Main issues discussed during the campaign were related to economy, North Kosovo crisis, and living standards. Aleksandar VuÃÂiÃÂ, the president of Serbia, despite not being a candidate in the elections, dominated the campaign. The Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) began its campaign shortly before the elections were announced; they were joined by former opposition politicians, while also heavily accusing the opposition of trying to incite a civil war. They campaigned on populist themes. The Socialist Party of Serbia coalition portrayed itself as socialist and patriotic, while also supporting the accession of Serbia to the European Union.
Regarding the opposition, Serbia Against Violence campaigned on environmental issues, economy, introducing progressive taxation, and education. The National Democratic Alternative campaigned on re-introducing the first-past-the-post system, while opposing corruption and party employment, and rejecting the Ohrid Agreement. The National Gathering coalition was endorsed by the Alternative for Germany and Obraz organisation; they supported establishing closer relations with BRICS, while opposing cooperation with the European Union and rejecting the Ohrid Agreement.
The Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights reported, after the elections, that the SNS had "systematic advantage" over the opposition during the campaign, as well as reporting that the campaign was marked with negative campaigning and fearmongering. During the campaign, it was reported that independent media and opposition politicians received threats.
Parliamentary elections in Serbia are held every four years. Since the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) came to power in 2012, four parliamentary elections were held. The 2014, 2016, and 2022 parliamentary elections were held earlier than they were supposed to (i.e. snap election), while the 2020 parliamentary election is the only election which was called after the expiration of National Assembly's four-year term.
In April 2023, newspaper Danas reported that the parliamentary elections, local elections, the Vojvodina provincial elections, and the Belgrade City Assembly elections could be held as early as in November 2023. Newspaper Nova and news portal N1 reported in September 2023 that the government considered 19 December as the date for local, provincial, and parliamentary elections. Aleksandar VuÃÂiÃÂ, the president of Serbia, and Miloà ¡ VuÃÂeviÃÂ, the president of the governing SNS, also held a gathering with officials from Vojvodina on 5 September, to discuss the Vojvodina provincial election. The decision to hold snap elections was confirmed in late September at a government session. For the election to take place on 17 December, the government of Serbia had to formally propose to dissolve the National Assembly between 18 October and 2 November. The president of Serbia then had 72 hours to decide whether to dissolve the National Assembly or not. The government of Serbia sent VuÃÂiàthe proposal to dissolve the National Assembly and organise local elections in 65 cities and municipalities on 30 October. On 1 November, VuÃÂiàdissolved the National Assembly of Serbia and called the elections for 17 December. The official campaign period lasted 46 days.
Analysts, such as Dejan BursaÃÂ, a teaching associate at the Institute for Political Studies, journalists Bojan Bilbija (of Politika), Zoran Panovià(of Demostat), and Miloà ¡ Garià(Kosovo Online editor-in-chief), Vladimir PejiÃÂ, the director of Agency Faktor Plus, Cvijetin Milivojeviàand political consultant Nikola TomiÃÂ, Bojan KlaÃÂar, and StojanoviÃÂ, all cited the ongoing tensions with Kosovo as one of the main issues in the 2023 election.
Bilbija, PanoviÃÂ, GariÃÂ, PejiÃÂ, and MihailoviÃÂ also cited the economy as one of the main issues. BursaÃÂ and KlaÃÂar also added rising prices as one of the main issues of the campaign, while KlaÃÂar and StojanoviÃÂ agreed that living standards and inflation would also be one of the key issues.
MihailoviÃÂ and PejiÃÂ also listed corruption and crime as one of the campaign issues. KlaÃÂar additionally named foreign policy positions and EU membership as main issues.
Halfway through the campaign, Croatian daily newspaper VeÃÂernji list described the 2023 election as "the most uncertain election since 2012". Political scientist and journalist Aleksandar IvkoviÃÂ warned that the campaign would be unprincipled, citing defacing graffiti, inflammatory posters, provocative music videos, and tabloid media content targeted against opposition groups and leaders before to its launch. Political scientist Boban StojanoviÃÂ said that the political friction did not decrease and that "political violence will be seen until the end of the election campaign" (politiÃÂko nasilje biÃÂe prisutno do kraja kampanje). StojanoviÃÂ also said that the election was more uncertain than the 2022 election.
During the campaign, VuÃÂiàstrongly criticised the opposition, alleging that a vote for them is "a vote for the president of the Party of Freedom and Justice, Dragan ÃÂilas, a vote for the independence of Kosovo, and for the introduction of sanctions to Russia", and that ÃÂilas controlled the entire opposition. He portrayed the election as "between the past [...] and the future" (izmeÃÂu "proà ¡losti" [...] i "buduÃÂnosti), while alleging with VuÃÂeviàthat there was a plan to overthrow SNS from power. Ana Brnabiàand Minister Aleksandar Martinoviàclaimed that the opposition wanted to create disorder and incite a civil war, respectively. These statements were criticised by the non-government organisation CRTA.
During their visit in Serbia, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) representatives concluded that the campaign was characterised by polarisation and intimidation from the government. The representatives cited negative campaigning, incendiary rhetoric and hate speech towards opposition politicians, and attacks on independent media as examples. Raà ¡a Nedeljkov from the non-governmental organisation CRTA expected a rigorous and unfair campaign with bigotry as its cornerstone; he listed negative campaigning against political opponents, independent media representatives, civil society organisations, and election observers as examples. CRTA also claimed that voter intimidation increased during the campaign period. During the first three weeks of the election campaign, CRTA reported "inequality, suspicions, and threats" (neravnopravnost, sumnje i pretnje) in its analysis, claiming that government parties had significant advantage due to the abuse of public institutions. During the campaign, the Centre for Investigative Journalism of Serbia (CINS) revealed that a youth group ran a call centre to intimidate voters. CINS also reported that the call centre also possessed a database of voters, with voters sorted in groups based on whether they are a member of SNS, a SNS voter, or a non-SNS voter.
An informal organisation of high school students launched a campaign in October 2023 named "It's Up To You Too" (I ti se pitaà ¡), aimed at first-time voters in the 2023 parliamentary election. The Civic Initiatives, a NGO, also launched a campaign with activists, professors, and public figures to boost the turnout and the number of controllers (members of polling stations) in the 2023 election. A group of public figures, including actors Svetlana BojkoviÃÂ, Dragan BjelogrliÃÂ, former Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts president Vladimir S. KostiÃÂ, legal scholar and judge Miodrag MajiÃÂ, and former University of Belgrade rector Ivanka PopoviÃÂ, presented the initiative ProGlas on 7 November 2023 to boost the electoral turnout for the 2023 election and promote anti-crime and anti-corruption ideas. The ProGlas initiative received than more 100,000 signatures of support by 15 November. Regarding ProGlas, political scientist Duà ¡ko Radosavljeviàsaid that "if we will remember this campaign for something, it will be because of the attempt by professional and respected people to ask for a new understanding of politics. For me, that is a force that provides a real chance for Serbia to be better".
The 2023 parliamentary election campaign also saw the increase of usage of the social media platform TikTok among politicians. VuÃÂiÃÂ, Boris TadiÃÂ, the former president of Serbia, Marinika TepiÃÂ, Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) president Ivica DaÃÂiÃÂ, and finance minister Sinià ¡a Mali all joined the platform in November 2023, to present themselves to younger voters. Jelena Kleut, a professor at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Belgrade, said that "knowing the Serbian Progressive Party, this move is based on data suggesting that the TikTok electorate might be interested in going to the polls in the election".
According to the preliminary report of the Agency for the Prevention of Corruption on 14 December, Serbia on the West alliance spent more than , People's Party (Narodna) spent , and SRS spent . From minority parties, the Russian Party spent . The final report showed that the SNS spent , the SPS spent , and the VMSZ spent . Regarding the opposition, the SPN spent and NADA spent . The MIâÂÂGIN spent . The SNS spent most of its money on television advertising; it spent over for advertising on both the Radio Television of Serbia and Pink.
On 11 October, VuÃÂeviÃÂ announced that SNS would begin its campaign on 21 October, the day of the party's 15-year anniversary. Despite this, SNS organised gatherings with its supporters before the anniversary to promote the party for the elections. SNS was endorsed by its former party president VuÃÂiÃÂ, who also announced that Tomislav NikoliÃÂ, former president of Serbia and president of SNS, would participate in its campaign. SNS began collecting signatures for its electoral list on 1 November. The party submitted its list to Republic Electoral Commission (RIK) a day later, with 92,637 signatures in total. RIK confirmed its list on 3 November with 88,083 valid signatures collected.
SNS campaigned on populist messages. On 29 October, VuÃÂiÃÂ announced that by 1 December, the government would distribute () to 170,000 social assistance recipients and 51,000 blind, elderly, and dementia patients, with students also receiving transport discounts. The government denied that this decision would influence voters. Nemanja NenadiÃÂ, representing non-profit organisation Transparency Serbia, contested the government's stance, describing the financial measures as a way to influence voters by appearing to grant concessions. In response to VuÃÂiÃÂ's campaign, DS submitted a report to the Anti-Corruption Agency, alleging that VuÃÂiÃÂ allegedly abused power to boost SNS in the elections. The Bureau of Social Research (BIRODI) also claimed that VuÃÂiÃÂ violated Article 40 of the Law on Prevention of Corruption. Zoran ÃÂvoroviÃÂ, a professor at the Faculty of Law of the University of Kragujevac, argued that President VuÃÂiÃÂ violated the Serbian constitution by being listed as the representative of all SNS-led electoral lists in the 2023 elections. RIK rejected all 15 citizens' complaints related to VuÃÂiÃÂ being listed on the SNS-led electoral list, despite not taking part in the elections, saying that "VuÃÂiÃÂ has agreed on paper for his name to be mentioned on the electoral list" (VuÃÂiÃÂ pismeno saglasio da svoje ima da jednoj listi). The government of Serbia introduced more populist measures in late November, such as payouts to high school students.
Despite no longer being the president of SNS, but still serving as president of Serbia, VuÃÂiÃÂ was its main representative in the election campaign. He was not a candidate in any elections in 2023. OrliÃÂ and Nevena ÃÂuriÃÂ, vice-presidents of SNS, campaigned in Ruma, where they pledged more investments in infrastructure, education, and technology. Another campaign meeting was held on 9 November in Pirot, featuring VuÃÂiÃÂ, BrnabiÃÂ, VuÃÂeviÃÂ, Milan StamatoviÃÂ, and PUPS leader Milan KrkobabiÃÂ as speakers. SNS also campaigned on improving the status of women and introducing more mammograms in hospitals. The party also expressed its support for the accession of Serbia to the EU. NikoliÃÂ made his first public appearance since 2017 at the SNS convention in Belgrade on 2 December.
Stefan KrkobabiÃÂ, the leader of Party of United Pensioners of Serbia (PUPS) in the National Assembly, expressed his support for SNS during the campaign, while announcing that PUPS would campaign on introducing a guaranteed social pension. The Strength of Serbia Movement, a SNS ally since 2010, announced that they would not contest the 2023 parliamentary election; the Serbian Renewal Movement of Vuk Draà ¡koviàdid not sign a cooperation agreement with SNS for the 2023 election, though two of its candidates still contested the election on the SNS electoral list. Individuals who were formerly critical of SNS and VuÃÂiÃÂ, including Tatjana Macura, formerly aligned with Enough is Enough (DJB), Radoslav MilojiÃÂiÃÂ, formerly aligned with Democratic Party (DS), and Dejan BulatoviÃÂ, formerly aligned with Party of Freedom and Justice (SSP), were announced as candidates on the SNS electoral list.
SNS held its last convention in Novi Sad on 13 December.
The Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), United Serbia (JS), and Greens of Serbia (Zeleni) signed a cooperation agreement on 1 November, announcing that they would contest the elections together under the same electoral list name, "Ivica DaÃÂiàâ Prime Minister of Serbia", as they had in the 2022 parliamentary election. The SPS-led coalition submitted its list to RIK on 2 November, with more than 20,000 signatures. RIK confirmed their list on 4 November with 19,618 valid signatures in total. Boban Stojanoviàargued that RIK should have rejected the SPS electoral list, claiming that a number of signatures of support were certified by notaries who were not listed in the notaries database.
Despite being a coalition government partner with SNS since 2012, SPS official Duà ¡an Bajatoviàwas a target of attacks in articles published by pro-government media. During the campaign period, SPS presented themselves as "guarantees of political stability" (garant politiÃÂke stabilnosti) while expressing support for youth rights and youth activism. DaÃÂiàalso portrayed the coalition as socialist; while campaigning in Ljubovija, DaÃÂiàsaid that voting for them also meant voting for "patriotism and socialism" (patriotizam i socijalizam). While campaigning in MrÃÂajevci, DaÃÂiàalso said that the SPS coalition supports free education, free universal health care, and social funds. DaÃÂiàalso reflected on his opinions about Miloà ¡eviàduring the campaign, saying that "Miloà ¡eviàwas an example of how to love and defend your country" (Miloà ¡eviàbio primer kako se zemlja voli i brani). The SPS coalition also expressed its support for the accession of Serbia to the EU.
Members of the Serbia Against Violence (SPN) coalition, along with the Romanian Party and the Civic Democratic Party, signed a cooperation agreement on 3 November, saying that the "fight against crime and corruption, stopping inflation and the impoverishment of citizens, restoring pensions reduced in 2014, and the importance of security, especially for the youngest" would be their main issues during the campaign. SPN submitted its electoral list to RIK on 8 November which was confirmed by the next day. While the negotiations were still ongoing, Zoran Lutovac, the president of DS, listed Gordana MatkoviÃÂ, a minister under the governments of Zoran ÃÂinÃÂiàand Zoran à ½ivkoviÃÂ, and , former leader of DS in the National Assembly, as two potential candidates for the position of prime minister. SPN, however, decided to present Tepiàand Aleksiàas their two main representatives.
Before and during the official campaign period, politicians affiliated with SPNâÂÂincluding TepiÃÂ, Miroslav AleksiÃÂ, Aleksandar JovanoviàÃÂuta, and SrÃÂan MilivojeviÃÂ, a DS member of the National AssemblyâÂÂwere subject to negative campaigning in Novi Sad and Belgrade. Pavle GrboviÃÂ, the president of Movement of Free Citizens (PSG), was also featured on posters that depicted him as an Ustaà ¡a. The posters that featured Grboviàwere promoted by ÃÂorÃÂe DabiÃÂ, a SNS state secretary. Aleksiàaccused VuÃÂiàof spreading "old lies" about him, while Grboviàfiled complaints about the posters. Janko VeselinoviÃÂ, the leader of the Movement for Reversal, was physically assaulted in Novi Sad on 12 November by a director of the public greenery company. SSP offices on Zvezdara, a Belgrade municipality, were attacked by anonymous men on 16 November.
SPN campaigned on returning "stolen pensions" (otete penzije)âÂÂthe pensions that were lowered by VuÃÂiÃÂ's government in 2014âÂÂand on environmental issues. ÃÂuta highlighted the issue of poverty and hunger. Radomir Lazoviàalso said that SPN supported removing national broadcast frequency status for Happy and Pink television channels, lowering the inflation and prices, and investing in universal health care protection. Aleksiàadded that SPN would introduce progressive taxation, while ÃÂilas said that SPN would also increase salaries and invest in education. SPN held its last campaign convention on 12 December in Belgrade, which was attended by several thousand supporters.
The National Democratic Alternative (NADA) began its official campaign on 28 October, listing corruption, nepotism, party employment, and rejecting 2023 Ohrid Agreement (an agreement between Serbia and Kosovo) as main issues for the election. NADA submitted its list to RIK on 6 November and RIK confirmed it a day later. Shortly before the official campaign period began, JovanoviÃÂ was a subject to negative campaigning, that falsely claimed he had released the incumbent prime minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti, from prison in 2001. Several NADA billboard posters were later torn down on 21 November; NADA accused the government of being behind these acts.
During the campaign period, Miloà ¡ Jovanoviàintensified his criticism of SNS while declining to criticise pro-European parties. He has also called for greater cooperation between opposition parties to topple SNS from power. Jovanoviàhas called for electoral reform, pledging to "destroy the partocracy that SNS created" (akaradna partijska drà ¾ava koju je stvorio SNS). NADA supported the re-introduction of the first-past-the-post system, and campaigned on further regionalisation and decentralisation of Serbia and giving cities and municipalities greater authority over infrastructure and economic matters. NADA also called for the reform of healthcare and agriculture. Vojislav Mihailoviàof POKS also called for the restoration of the monarchy, saying that "Serbia should be a constitutional, parliamentary monarchy like organised European countries" (da li Srbija treba da bude ustavna, parlamenta kraljevina poput ureÃÂenih evropskih zemlje).
Regarding foreign policy, NADA campaigned on wanting strengthening cooperation with the EU in regards to trade, economy, and culture. It did, however, express its opposition to Serbia joining the EU if recognising Kosovo was one of the demands. NADA held its last campaign convention on 10 December.
The Serbian Party Oathkeepers (SSZ) and Dveri, the members of the National Gathering coalition, signed another cooperation agreement on 1 November, announcing that they would officially contest the elections together. Boà ¡ko Obradoviàidentified key priorities for its campaign such as preserving traditional values, affirming Kosovo as part of Serbia, supporting Republika Srpska and Serb communities in neighbouring regions, and promoting ecological patriotism. The coalition submitted its list on 4 November and it was accepted by RIK a day later. At a press conference after they presented their electoral list, Milica ÃÂurÃÂeviàStamenkovski emphasised their opposition to the Ohrid Agreement and the EU. The far-right Alternative for Germany party, the Chetnik Ravna Gora Movement, and the clerical-fascist Obraz organisation of Mladen ObradoviÃÂ, voiced their support for the SSZâÂÂDveri coalition.
During the campaign period, the SSZâÂÂDveri coalition representatives emphasised their support for greater subsidies for domestic business owners and farmers, the construction of student dormitories in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Nià ¡ and Kragujevac, giving free school books, and financial aid for families that are socially vulnerable. Ratko RistiÃÂ, one of the representatives of the NO coalition, expressed his support for sovereignism and said the coalition would also look over agricultural issues. ÃÂurÃÂeviàStamenkovski also expressed support for reforming the education system. Obradoviàalleged that the SSZâÂÂDveri coalition was a target of attacks and media censorship.
On foreign policy, the coalition expressed their support for retaining close relations with China, due to their positions towards Kosovo, and that they would want Serbia to become a member of BRICS instead of the EU. Obradoviàalleged that regions such as Sandà ¾ak, Vojvodina, and parts of eastern Serbia would separate from Serbia if "Serbia gives up on Kosovo" (ako se odrekne Kosova). ÃÂurÃÂeviàStamenkovski, in an Insajder interview, did not reject cooperating with SNS after the elections if SNS rejects the Ohrid Agreement. NO held its last campaign convention on 10 December.
The Serbian Radical Party (SRS) presented its electoral list to RIK on 3 November, which RIK confirmed it a day later. SRS campaigned on issues such as healthcare reform, saying that Serbia should "use the experiences of foreign, Western European countries, as well as the USA, which has a more developed health system" (da koristimo iskustva stranih, zapadnoevropskih zemalja, kao i SAD koje imaju razvijeniji zdravstveni sistem), advocating greater investments for domestic companies, and preventing bullying by creating "teams of parents, educators, and local municipal officers" (timski rad roditelja dece, prosvetnih radnika i lokalne zajednice). Aleksandar à  eà ¡elj also said that SRS supported a ban on NGOs that support the recognition of Kosovo.
In an interview for Radio Television of Vojvodina, Aleksandar à  eà ¡elj said that SRS would not join a pro-European government if SRS crosses the electoral threshold. SRS has called for the abandonment of the process of accession of Serbia to the EU and instead called on forging closer ties with Russia and becoming an applicant member of BRICS. Vojislav à  eà ¡elj also met with the Palestinian ambassador in Serbia during the campaign; Vojislav à  eà ¡elj also criticised Israel, describing their actions towards Palestine as genocidal (à  eà ¡elj optuà ¾io je danas Izrael da, uz podrà ¡ku SAD, sprovodi genocid nad Palestincima).
The Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (VMSZ), led by acting president Bálint Pásztor, submitted its list to RIK on 7 November. At a press conference after submitting the list, Pásztor said that VMSZ collected 11,355 signatures, more than twice the amount needed for minority parties. RIK confirmed their list on 8 November. Pásztor expressed his support for continuing the cooperation between VMSZ and SNS. VMSZ received support from the Democratic Party of Vojvodina Hungarians and Party of Hungarian Unity in late November.
The Justice and Reconciliation Party (SPP) and Democratic Alliance of Croats in Vojvodina (DSHV) formalised an electoral alliance under the name United for Justice (UZP) on 4 November. UZP submitted its list to RIK on 9 November, with Zukorliàstating that the coalition would advocate for proportional representation of national communities in public institutions and balanced regional development. Their electoral list was accepted by RIK on 10 November. UZP members expressed their support for remaining in the next government, saying "that members of our communities supported this move" (pripadnici naà ¡ih zajednica to pozdavili). Zukorliàhas described UZP as a pro-European coalition and that "he believes that one day Serbia will nevertheless join the NATO alliance" (veruje da ÃÂe jednog dana Srbija "ipak pristupiti i NATO alijansi"). DSHV received support from Andrej PlenkoviÃÂ, the prime minister of Croatia and leader of the Croatian Democratic Union.
The Party of Democratic Action of Sandà ¾ak (SDAS) of Sulejman Ugljanin submitted its electoral list to RIK on 16 November, with RIK confirming it on the same day. Its main representative and ballot holder, Selma KuÃÂeviÃÂ, emphasised that SDAS supports decentralisation and regionalism as well as protecting Bosniak minority interests. Ugljanin said that SDAS supported anti-corruption measures and government transparency.
Following the dissolution of the National Assembly, Jahja FehratoviÃÂ's For the Future and Development (ZBR) formed a coalition, named "Together for the Future and Development â Coalition for Peace and Development" (KZMT), with Vlach National Party (VNS), Hungarian Civic Alliance (MPSZ), Democratic Union of Croats, Bosniak Civic Party, Party of Montenegrins, Civic Party of Greeks of Serbia, Vojvodina Movement, Tolerance of Serbia, Union of Yugoslavs, Union of Female Roma Network and Non-Roma Network of Serbia, and Union of Banat Romanians. Fehratoviàwas also announced as the coalition's ballot holder. KZMT submitted its electoral list on 17 November. RIK rejected the list on 18 November, stating that out of 6,093 collected signatures, only 4,937 were valid, and that KZMT had to collect the remaining 63 signatures until 20 November. On the same day, KZMT collected 436 more valid signatures and RIK confirmed their electoral list.
After collecting more than 12,500 signatures, the People's Party (Narodna) submitted its electoral list to RIK on 19 November. At a press conference in the building of RIK, Vuk JeremiÃÂ said that Narodna would campaign on rejecting the Ohrid Agreement, prohibiting lithium mining, as well as "bringing back sovereignty over the national economy" (vraÃÂanje suvereniteta nad nacionalnom ekonomijom). RIK confirmed their electoral list on 20 November.
Narodna also emphasised its support for introducing military conscription to retain military neutrality, retaining close relations with Russia, and opposing sanctions against Russia, the accession of Serbia to the EU, and the recognition of Kosovo. JeremiÃÂ has said that Serbia should seek membership in the European Economic Area instead.
Initially, the Social Democratic Party (SDS) was supposed to take part in the SPN alliance while Enough is Enough (DJB) announced that they would contest the elections independently. SDS was ultimately declined to join SPN, and shortly after in early November, DJB successfully negotiated with SDS and Ana PejiÃÂ's Stolen Babies movement to form a joint electoral alliance, mainly centering their opposition to the Ohrid Agreement. The coalition, named Good Morning Serbia, submitted its electoral list to RIK on 22 November. They collected over 11,500 signatures of support. RIK confirmed their electoral list on 23 November, with 10,534 valid signatures.
The Russian Party, together with the New Communist Party of Yugoslavia (NKPJ), submitted its electoral list on 25 November. On the same day, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of ÃÂedomir Jovanoviàand the Serbia in the West coalition, composed of NovaâÂÂD2SP, Civic Democratic Forum, Liberals and Democrats, and Glas submitted their electoral list. The electoral lists of the citizens group We â Voice from the People (MIâÂÂGIN), represented by conspiracy theorist Branimir NestoroviÃÂ. RIK proclaimed the electoral lists of We â Voice from the People and Serbia in the West on 27 November. On 28 November, the electoral lists of Russian PartyâÂÂNKPJ and LDP were confirmed by RIK. Jovanoviàmet with Kurti on 3 December, with whom he discussed about SerbiaâÂÂKosovo relations.
The elections were ultimately won by SNS, winning 129 out of 250 seats in the National Assembly. Together with SPS, they formed a coalition government led by VuÃÂeviÃÂ of SNS.
In its report, Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) concluded that SNS had a "systematic advantage which created unfair conditions in the elections" (sistematsku prednost koja je stvorila nepravedne uslove) and that VuÃÂiÃÂ heavily dominated the election campaign, despite not being a candidate in it. According to ODIHR, public funds were abused and the media monitoring body, Regulatory Body for Electronic Media, was not effective during the campaign, and that despite the elections being well organised, they were organised in a "societal and political divided ambience". ODIHR said that the campaign was polarised and met with negative campaigning and fearmongering.
, the chief of the delegation of PACE that monitored the elections, said that "the elections were not fair" and that he had seen "ballots that were printed by a photocopier". In a joint statement, Josep Borrell and Olivér Várhelyi, on behalf of the European Commission, said that Serbia's "electoral process requires tangible improvement and further reform". Political scientist Florian Bieber said that irregularities were more prominent in the 2023 elections than in the previous ones. Matthew Miller, the spokesperson of the United States Department of State, called for the government of Serbia to investigate the irregularities that occurred. United States senators Jeanne Shaheen and Pete Ricketts also called for the government to "urgently consider whether elections should be repeated in certain regions", saying that the elections were not free and fair. Andreas Schieder, who monitored the elections on behalf of the European Parliament, criticised BrnabiÃÂ, saying that "the government should work on solving numerous claims about pressure on voters, vote buying, violating voting secrecy, biased media, and the president's involvement in the campaign".